Social Studies and Research in Iran

Social Studies and Research in Iran

Lak Cultural Identity in the Context of Contemporary History

Document Type : Research Article

Authors
1 Department of Sociology, Faculty of Social Sciences, Razi University, Kermanshahm, Iran
2 MA in Sociology, Department of Sociology, Razi University, Kermanshahm, Iran
10.22059/jisr.2026.409437.1708
Abstract
Introduction
Before Iran's entry into the modern era, the predominant social structure of the country's population was tribal. The Lak people, like other Zagros tribes, were defined within the framework of tribal and nomadic relations, and their identity was understood more at the local and tribal level than in terms of an ethnic group. World War I marked the beginning of the formation of modern ethnic identities. The intervention of foreign forces (Ottoman, Russian, and British), the demands of elites excluded from power, and the process of homogenization in the context of nation-building all played a role in this development. Ethnic identities were redefined over the course of the past century upon the foundation of the tribes and clans of the thirteenth century. The manner of identity reconstruction among Iranian ethnic groups has not been uniform and has been influenced by their own specific temporal and spatial circumstances. Modern awareness, the forced settlement of nomads, Western governmental encroachments, the homogenization policies of the modern state, land reforms, globalization, and the emergence of social networks have all played a prominent role in the reproduction of the cultural identity of Iranian ethnic groups. This article examines the transformation of Lak identity from an "identity in itself" to an "identity for itself" within the context of contemporary history. The present article seeks to answer the following question: 1. What are the changes in the cultural identity of the Lak people in the context of contemporary history?
Method
The research method is ethnography. One of the data collection techniques is document analysis. Published books, Instagram pages (121 pages), and Telegram channels (41 channels) were used as documents. The other technique was interview. In order to gain a deeper understanding, interviews were conducted with 40 local experts using theoretical sampling. The interviewees represent a wide spectrum. Some of them are elderly individuals who remember the forced settlement of nomads and land reforms, and whose lives have been affected by these two processes. Others are informed migrants who settled in the cities of Khorramabad, Kermanshah, and Borujerd after the land reforms. Finally, some others are researchers and experts on identity issues. The interviews were recorded with the permission of the interviewees and were subsequently transcribed. For data analysis, the five stages were used: Organizing the data; Classifying the data, main themes, and patterns;Testing hypotheses against the data; Searching for alternative explanations of the data; Writing and preparing the report.
Findings
In the late nineteenth century, the Lak people had the least encounter with modernity, and their primary identity was tribe (ill) rather than ethnic group. After World War I, the modern concept of ethnicity entered Iran's political literature, but this process was delayed among the Lak people. The reasons for this can be traced back to forced settlement and land reforms.
Forced Settlement and Isolation: The policy of nomadic settlement during the first Pahlavi era was implemented with severe suppression of the Lak and Lur peoples. After five years of conflict (1923-1928), the disarmament and structural destruction of the tribes were accomplished. After 1941, many Lak tribes returned to nomadism, but their lack of access to modern facilities (road construction, education, media) placed them in greater isolation compared to neighboring ethnic groups. During this period, the absence of print media and modern social relations diminished the possibility of "imagining" a collective identity beyond the tribe.
Land Reforms and Migration: The implementation of land reforms in 1962 drove landless peasants and settled villagers to the cities. The Lak people, uprooted from their natural and social environment, encountered hosts in cities such as Kermanshah and Khorramabad who possessed distinct cultural identities (Lur and Kurd) and held superior positions in the power structure. The Lak people settled in the margins of these cities, and official media (radio and television, press) did not represent their identity.
Social Networks and Identity Representation: With the emergence of Instagram and Telegram in recent decades, a new space for the representation of Lak identity was created. In 2021, more than 120 Instagram pages and 40 active Telegram channels produced content about Lak language, music, clothing, and literature. These spaces enabled the Lak people to represent their identity without intermediaries. The three foundational elements of this representation were:
History: A linear and continuous narrative of history was presented based on archaeological findings and figures such as Karim Khan Zand.
Territory (Lakistan): The drawing of cultural boundaries of a region encompassing Lak-speaking cities, demonstrating ethnic cohesion in the face of political-administrative dispersion.
Culture: Including language and literature (with ancient roots in the Avesta and Pahlavi texts), traditional clothing (such as the Goluni, which was registered in the national heritage list), and rituals (Moor, Hoorah, Shovaleh, Soor), which are reproduced in the virtual space. The Lak language, which was registered as an independent language in the national intangible heritage list in March 2018, is now the identity card and the main focal point of the cultural-political demands of this ethnic group. Lak identity today is constructed through "similarity" and "difference" with neighboring ethnic groups (Kurd and Lur), and new media have provided the possibility of cultural visibility and the reproduction of a sense of belonging.
Conclusion
Before social networks, the cultural distinction of the Lak people was limited to everyday life, and three historical processes-the suppression of nomads, forced migration, and media isolation-delayed the construction of cultural identity. From the early 2000, Instagram and Telegram broke the media monopoly and opened a space for identity representation: the public display of cultural signs (Moor, Hoorah, Goluni) and the deepening of intra-ethnic dialogue about difference from neighboring identities. Although cultural entanglement exists in shared urban life, Lak users in the virtual space maintain symbolic boundaries. The construction of cultural identity faces two challenges: the politicization of distinction by some neighbors, and the lack of scientific-specialized productions. Part of the Lak cultural capital (Moor music, Goluni clothing) is not registered in their name in official events. Today, Lakistan has become a visible project that opens the horizon of self-being for future generations.
Keywords

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