Document Type : Research Article
Authors
1
Department Of Family Studies, National Institute for Population Research, Tehran, Iran
2
Master of Demography, Allameh Tabatabai University, Tehran, Iran
10.22059/jisr.2026.410592.1715
Abstract
Introduction: Loneliness is a subjective and distressing experience arising from a discrepancy between desired and actual social relationships rather than the objective absence of social contact. Loneliness is a common experience - probably few people avoid being lonely at some time in their life. It is also a distressing experience as many individual accounts bear out (Perlman and Peplau, 1981:31). Loneliness is conceptually distinct from objective social isolation and can be understood in terms of two major dimensions: emotional loneliness, arising from the absence of an intimate attachment figure, and social loneliness, arising from the absence of a broader social network (De Jong Gierveld, 1998: 74). Accumulating evidence has demonstrated that loneliness is associated with numerous adverse outcomes, including poor physical and mental health, cardiovascular disease, depression, reduced quality of life, and increased mortality risk (Holt-Lunstad et al., 2015). findings indicate that loneliness and social isolation significantly increase the risk of premature mortality, with an effect comparable to other established health risk factors. Previous research has identified several determinants of loneliness, including age, marital status, health, socioeconomic conditions, social support, and cultural context. However, studies conducted in Iran have primarily examined loneliness as a single construct or focused on specific populations such as older adults and university students. Moreover, limited attention has been given to the distinct determinants of emotional and social loneliness and the role of intergenerational relationships between adult children and their parents. Given the rapid demographic and family changes in Iranian society, this study aimed to investigate the dimensions of loneliness and identify the individual, familial, social, and intergenerational factors associated with emotional and social loneliness among adults Non-Co-Resident adult children with Their Parents in Tehran.
Method: This study employed a cross-sectional explanatory survey design. The study population consisted of men and women aged 18 years and older residing in Tehran who had at least one living parent but did not live with their parents. A total of 1000 respondents were selected through a multistage cluster sampling procedure to obtain a representative sample of the city's adult population. Data were collected using a structured questionnaire whose face validity was assessed by experts and whose construct validity was confirmed through exploratory factor analysis. Internal consistency of the measurement scales was evaluated using Cronbach's alpha coefficients. The questionnaire included measures of emotional and social loneliness as well as demographic, socioeconomic, health, religious, and family-related characteristics, including intergenerational support, relationship quality with parents, and parent–child conflict.
Findings: The findings revealed that social loneliness was more prevalent than emotional loneliness. Bivariate analyses demonstrated that emotional loneliness was positively associated with divorce history, being unmarried, having a larger number of siblings, and greater conflict with parents. Conversely, higher levels of economic well-being, stronger emotional support exchanged between parents and adult children, and better parent–child relationship quality were significantly associated with lower emotional loneliness. Social loneliness showed a different pattern of associations. Higher religiosity and greater reciprocal financial and caregiving support between parents and adult children were associated with lower levels of social loneliness, whereas having more children was associated with greater social loneliness. No statistically significant differences in either emotional or social loneliness were observed according to gender, ethnicity, or employment status. However, respondents with lower educational attainment, lower income, poorer self-rated health, and lower life satisfaction reported significantly higher levels of both dimensions of loneliness. The multivariate regression models demonstrated that Emotional loneliness was primarily explained by self-rated health, life satisfaction, and conflict with parents. In contrast, social loneliness was most strongly predicted by life satisfaction, economic welfare, religiosity, reciprocal intergenerational support, and the quality of parent–child relationships.
Conclusion: Social loneliness is more prevalent than emotional loneliness. This finding suggests that some individuals may have close and meaningful emotional relationships while nevertheless experiencing deficits in broader social connections and a limited sense of social belonging. The factors associated with emotional and social loneliness are not identical. Emotional loneliness is more strongly associated with factors such as marital status, the quality of family relationships, conflict with parents, and health status, whereas social loneliness is more closely related to religiosity, reciprocal support between parents and children, welfare status, and the quality of relationships with parents. These findings suggest that different dimensions of loneliness are shaped by distinct social mechanisms .The findings are consistent with the perspectives of Intergenerational Solidarity Theory and Social Capital Theory. From these perspectives, social networks and reciprocal support provide individuals with relational and social resources that can strengthen their sense of belonging and connectedness. Thus, loneliness may reflect not only individual characteristics but also the quality of social ties and the extent to which individuals have access to supportive social resources. loneliness is a multidimensional phenomenon, with its emotional and social dimensions being influenced by a range of individual, familial, and social factors. Therefore, interventions aimed at reducing loneliness should extend beyond individual characteristics and also pay attention to both the quantity and quality of individuals' family relationships. Developing local community-based centers, supporting voluntary and associational activities, strengthening intergenerational programs to enhance interactions between parents and children, expanding opportunities for social and cultural participation, and giving particular attention to individuals with poor health or limited support networks may represent effective strategies for reducing loneliness in urban communities.
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