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<Journal>
				<PublisherName>انتشارات دانشگاه تهران</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>مطالعات و تحقیقات اجتماعی در ایران</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2588-6355</Issn>
				<Volume>15</Volume>
				<Issue>2</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2026</Year>
					<Month>06</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Convergent Collective Identity in Contemporary Iran</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>هویت جمعی همگراساز در ایران امروز</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>1</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>17</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">107496</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22059/jisr.2026.414672.1740</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>سیدرحیم</FirstName>
					<LastName>ابوالحسنی</LastName>
<Affiliation>گروه علوم سیاسی، دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0001-8610-7746</Identifier>

</Author>
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				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2026</Year>
					<Month>05</Month>
					<Day>17</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;
Collective identity is one of the most fundamental concepts in explaining the formation of cohesion, solidarity, and social stability within contemporary societies. In societies marked by ethnic, cultural, linguistic, and religious diversity, the dominant form of identity can play a decisive role in strengthening or weakening national convergence. Iranian society, due to its multiple layers of identity, has constantly faced the question of which identity pattern has the greatest capacity to create unity and reduce social divisions. In recent decades, the expansion of communications, cultural transformations, and social changes have led to the redefinition of numerous identity patterns. Some of these patterns emphasize ethnic elements, some focus on religious components, and others stress national or transnational elements. Historical experience has revealed that one-dimensional identities often face serious restrictions in creating sustainable consensus. By contrast, more inclusive identity patterns have a greater capacity to generate a shared sense of belonging among different social groups. From this perspective, a comparative study of diverse forms of collective identity in Iran can contribute to a more accurate understanding of the mechanisms of national convergence and divergence. Identifying the cohesion-building elements of collective identity is also highly significant for cultural and social policymaking. Moreover, analyzing the capacity of each identity pattern makes it possible to assess its role in confronting internal and external crises and threats.
&lt;strong&gt;Methodology&lt;/strong&gt;
The study is theoretical in nature and conducted using a descriptive-analytical approach. The data were collected through the study of books, scientific articles, historical documents, and reliable sources related to collective identity and social cohesion. This study takes the various forms of collective identity in contemporary Iran as its unit of analysis.
&lt;strong&gt;Findings&lt;/strong&gt;
The findings indicate that different forms of collective identity in Iran vary significantly in terms of their legitimacy sources, belonging levels, and social functions. Ethnic identity is primarily based on the linguistic, cultural, and historical elements specific to each ethnic group and has a strong capacity to create intra-group solidarity. However, limiting the scope of belonging to the ethnic level may, under certain conditions, lead to a reduction in national convergence. Ideological identities, although capable of considerable political mobilization, may create the grounds for social divisions if they turn into exclusive frameworks. Shiite and ummah-based identities are rooted in religious and doctrinal elements and play an important role in creating cultural and value-based solidarity. The examination of modern national identity showed that an exclusive emphasis on civic and political components, without connection to the historical and cultural memory of society, faces restrictions in creating lasting consensus. Likewise, the ancient-oriented model, due to its focus on only part of Iran’s history, has not been able to encompass all identity layers of society. By contrast, Iranian-Islamic identity, because of its simultaneous reliance on historical, cultural, civilizational, and religious elements, enjoys greater comprehensiveness. This model has been able to establish an organic link between Iranian identity and Islam. The Persian language, shared historical memory, national culture, and Shiite Islam constitute the main pillars of this identity. The findings illustrates that these components possess a high capacity to create a shared sense of belonging among different social groups. This model also allows the presence and acceptance of sub-identities within the framework of an inclusive national identity. The examination of contemporary social and political examples further exhibited that, in times of crisis, the elements of Iranian-Islamic identity have a significant ability to mobilize society and strengthen national solidarity. For this reason, compared with other identity forms, this model has a greater capacity to manage social diversity. Overall, the findings suggest that a greater balance among historical, cultural, and religious components is associated with a stronger capacity for national convergence.
&lt;strong&gt;Conclusion&lt;/strong&gt;
The results demonstrate that collective identity remains one of the most imperative sources of social and political cohesion in contemporary Iran. The comparative assessment of different identity patterns indicates that one-dimensional identities, because they emphasize only part of social reality, have a limited ability to create inclusive consensus. This limitation, especially in plural societies, can activate social and political cleavages. By contrast, patterns capable of combining and synergizing different identity elements have a greater capacity to produce sustainable solidarity. The findings revealed that Iranian-Islamic identity possesses this feature more than other identity patterns. By integrating historical, cultural, civilizational, and religious elements, this identity has been able to provide an inclusive framework for defining collective belonging. A shared language, historical memory, cultural values, and common religious beliefs constitute the main foundations of this convergence. This model also enables the integration of ethnic and cultural diversity within a broader national identity. Contemporary social and political experiences further confirm that, in times of crisis, this identity has the capacity to activate social capital and strengthen collective participation. Nevertheless, the continued effectiveness of this identity requires constant reinterpretation and adaptation to social transformations and the needs of new generations. Iranian-Islamic identity can preserve its cohesion-building role only when it distances itself from exclusionary approaches and remains open to social plurality. Maintaining a balance among Iranian identity, Islam, citizenship rights, and the requirements of modern society is one of the essential conditions of this process. Therefore, strengthening shared cultural and historical components while respecting social diversity can help consolidate national convergence. Accordingly, cultural and social policymaking in Iran should focus on reinforcing unity-building elements and reducing divergence factors.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">هویت جمعی یکی از عوامل مؤثر در شکل‌گیری همگرایی یا واگرایی اجتماعی و سیاسی در جوامع معاصر به شمار می‌رود. در ایران نیز به دلیل وجود الگوهای متنوع هویتی، همواره این پرسش مطرح بوده است که کدام‌یک از گونه‌های هویت جمعی ظرفیت بیشتری برای تقویت انسجام و همبستگی ملی دارند.
پژوهش حاضر با هدف بررسی تطبیقی الگوهای مختلف هویت جمعی در ایران، از روش توصیفی ـ تحلیلی و رویکرد تطبیقی بهره گرفته است. داده‌های پژوهش از منابع کتابخانه‌ای شامل کتاب‌ها، مقالات علمی و مطالعات مرتبط با هویت، ملت‌سازی و انسجام اجتماعی گردآوری شده‌اند. برای مقایسه گونه‌های مختلف هویت جمعی، چارچوبی تحلیلی مبتنی بر شش مؤلفه «ایده مرکزی»، «منبع مشروعیت»، «سطح تعلق»، «ارکان سازنده»، «کارکرد انسجام‌بخش» و «وضعیت تعادل» طراحی و بر مبنای آن هویت‌های قومی، مذهبی، فراملی، ملی‌گرایانه و ایرانی ـ اسلامی مورد بررسی قرار گرفتند.
یافته‌های پژوهش نشان می‌دهد که الگوهای هویتی تک‌ساحتی، به دلیل تأکید بر بخشی از مؤلفه‌های هویتی و نادیده گرفتن برخی ابعاد تاریخی، فرهنگی یا اجتماعی، با محدودیت‌هایی در ایجاد همگرایی پایدار در جوامع متکثر مواجه هستند. در مقابل، هویت ایرانی ـ اسلامی به دلیل برخورداری هم‌زمان از عناصر تاریخی، فرهنگی و دینی، از ظرفیت بیشتری برای ایجاد پیوند میان گروه‌های مختلف اجتماعی و تقویت احساس تعلق ملی برخوردار است. نتایج پژوهش حاکی از آن است که کارآمدی این الگوی هویتی در تقویت انسجام ملی، بیش از هر چیز به توانایی آن در ایجاد تعادل میان مؤلفه‌های مختلف هویتی و سازگاری با تحولات اجتماعی وابسته است.
از این رو، حفظ و بازتفسیر مستمر این چارچوب هویتی می‌تواند در تقویت همبستگی اجتماعی و کاهش زمینه‌های واگرایی در جامعه ایران نقش مؤثری ایفا کند.</OtherAbstract>
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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>انتشارات دانشگاه تهران</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>مطالعات و تحقیقات اجتماعی در ایران</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2588-6355</Issn>
				<Volume>15</Volume>
				<Issue>2</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2026</Year>
					<Month>06</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Pharmaceuticalisation of Society: A Sociological Study of the Dimensions of Pharmaceuticalisation in Iran</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>دارویی سازی جامعه: بررسی جامعه شناختی ابعاد دارویی سازی در ایران</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>19</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>38</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">106601</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22059/jisr.2025.389820.1581</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>سیمین</FirstName>
					<LastName>کاظمی</LastName>
<Affiliation>پزشک، دکترای جامعه‌شناسی، مرکز تحقیقات عوامل اجتماعی مؤثر بر سلامت، دانشگاه علوم پزشکی شهید بهشتی، تهران، ایران</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2025</Year>
					<Month>02</Month>
					<Day>02</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Pharmaceuticalisation denotes the translation or transformation of human conditions, capabilities, and capacities into opportunities for pharmaceutical intervention. However, Pharmaceuticalisation is not an entirely new sociological concept, its application has increased in recent years. In Iran, although Pharmaceuticalisation is a concept that has not yet entered the research field of medical sociology, by referring to Persian literature, a clear example can be found that helps in understanding it; where in the Shahnameh, Rostam seeks a potion hidden in the treasure of Kikavus to make up for the mistake of son-killing. Kikavus refuses to give him the potion and Sohrab dies, but the idea that potions can cure life&#039;s problems is a metaphor that has persisted throughout Persian literature and found its way into the works of others. The importance of medicine has also been maintained in contemporary life, as per capita drug consumption in Iran is higher than developed countries, and news about medicine, from shortages and high prices to new medications and their properties and harms, is woven into everyday life. drug has become increasingly significant not only within the domains of health and medicine, but also across the political, economic, and social spheres. As a result, an expanding range of aspects of everyday life appears to be undergoing Pharmaceuticalisation. However, this influence of drug in various areas of life has not been examined from a sociological perspective so far, and the aim of this study is to explore Pharmaceuticalisation of Iranian society and its dimensions.&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Methodology &lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This qualitative study employed content analysis using an analogical approach. The analysis was guided by six key sociological dimensions identified by Williams, Martin, and Gabe (2011) considered as the basis for the analogy. Then, texts related to the Pharmaceuticalisation were selected and analyzed including documents, articles, news, and reports.&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Findings &lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Eight key sociological dimensions of Pharmaceuticalisation were identified in Iran, six of which are consistent with those introduced by Williams et al., and the other two are new and emerge from the conditions of Iranian society.The first dimension, “the redefinition or reconfiguration of health problems as having a pharmaceutical solution” has two components: Expanding the drug market, corporate construction of disease. The second dimension, &quot;Changing form of governance,&quot; consists of four components: the neoliberal turn in health care, Weakening the Generic Drug System, Weak oversight and corruption in the pharmaceutical industry, Supporting pharmaceutical innovation. The third dimension is the reframing of health problems in the media as having a pharmaceutical solution, and has four components: Drug shortage propaganda, Redefining health problems as problems to be treated with medication, Direct-to-consumer advertising, Online drug sales. The fourth dimension, Patients, consumers and the life world include two components:  Consumption, self-medication and over-the-counter drug provision, the mobilization of patient groups around drug shortage. The fifth dimension is the use of drugs for non-medical (enhancement) purposes. The utilization of medication not for the purpose of treatment but to enhance and improve the lives of healthy individuals has become increasingly popular, creating a large market for vitamins, supplements, and herbal medicines.The sixth dimension involves drug innovation and the colonization of health futures. Although personalized medicine, and specifically pharmacogenetics, is in the early stages of development in Iran, it can be expected to enter health policymaking in the future.&lt;br /&gt;the seventh dimension, comprises the emergence of alternative medicine as a new competitor in the Pharmaceuticalisation of society. Alternative medicine does two things: de-Pharmaceuticalisation in opposition to and competition with modern medicine. Pharmaceuticalisation with traditional and herbal medicines.The eighth dimension, physician agency, encompasses the contradictory role of physicians in Pharmaceuticalisation. Both when the physician&#039;s gatekeeper role is weakened and when the scientific authority of physicians is placed at the service of the pharmaceutical industry, Pharmaceuticalisation is facilitated.&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Conclusion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The Pharmaceuticalisation process in Iran is accelerating, and its drivers are available at both the macro and micro levels.  Changing form of governance and the change in approach to health, which has paved the way for the privatization of medicine and health care services, is the most essential structural transformation facilitating the process of Pharmaceuticalisation. The expansion of the pharmaceutical market, which is characterized by increased turnover, an upsurge in the number of companies, and a rise in the production, import, and sale of drugs, is the product of government support for privatization, deregulation, lax licensing, weakening of government control and supervision, treatment-orientation, and the commodification of drugs. On the other hand, the media plays a mediating role in advertising, promoting, and selling medicines.&lt;br /&gt;At the micro level, patients and consumers are now buyers who tend to various medicines and supplements as commodities from pharmacies or online platforms, not only to get rid of health problems and life issues, but also for enhancement purposes; and they engage in collective protests for access to medicines. the physician&#039;s gatekeeper role has often been reduced to an intermediary between the patient and the insurance organizations, and their medical credibility is used to promote specific drug brands for the benefit of pharmaceutical companies. The entry into the field of personalized medicine and new efforts in pharmacogenetics indicate that the Pharmaceuticalisation of the future has just begun in Iran.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">دارویی ­سازی به معنای ترجمه یا تبدیل وضعیت­ ها، قابلیت ­ها و ظرفیت ­های انسانی به فرصت­ هایی برای مداخله دارویی است. این مطالعه متمرکز بر دارویی ­سازی جامعه ایران و بررسی روندها و تحولاتی است که به این پدیده شکل داده است.&lt;br /&gt;برای این منظور از روش تحلیل محتوای مبتنی بر قیاس استفاده شد، به این معنی که مؤلفه­ های اصلی دارویی­سازی بر اساس پژوهشی از سه صاحبنظر جامعه شناسی پزشکی (سایمون ج ویلیامز، پل مارتین و جاناتان گیب)، تعیین شد و بعد داده­ های جمع ­آوری شده شامل اسناد، مقالات، گزارش ­های مرتبط با موضوع مورد تجزیه و تحلیل قرار گرفتند. &lt;br /&gt;هشت بعد جامعه­ شناختی در دارویی­ سازی جامعه ایران که شناسایی شدند عبارتند از: فروش بیماری؛ تغییر شکل حکمرانی؛ میانجیگری رسانه­ها؛ نقش بیماران؛ مصرف برای ارتقاء؛ نوآوری دارویی؛ دارویی­زدایی مدرن و دارویی­سازی سنتی و عاملیت پزشکان. شش بعد منطبق بر مطالعه ویلیامز و همکاران و دو بعد دیگر جدید و برآمده از شرایط جامعه ایران هستند.&lt;br /&gt;این مطالعه نشان داد چرخش دیدگاه در حوزه سلامت که خود تابع هژمونی اقتصاد بازار آزاد و عقلانیت آن است، راه را برای گسترش بازار دارو بدون ارتباط با نیازهای واقعی جامعه هموار کرده است. با تفوق رویکرد زیست ­پزشکی و به ­حاشیه رفتن رویکرد اجتماعی، صنعت دارو رو به گسترش است و نه تنها مشکلات سلامت، بلکه مشکلات فرهنگی و اجتماعی نیز نیازمند راه ­حل دارویی معرفی می­ شوند که می ­توان آن را از بازار دارو به دست آورد. </OtherAbstract>
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			<Param Name="value">نظام سلامت</Param>
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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>انتشارات دانشگاه تهران</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>مطالعات و تحقیقات اجتماعی در ایران</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2588-6355</Issn>
				<Volume>15</Volume>
				<Issue>2</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2026</Year>
					<Month>06</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>The Relationship between the State and Social Forces in Iran: A Study of the Reform and Justice Periods</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>رابطۀ میان دولت و نیروهای اجتماعی در ایران: مطالعه دوره اصلاحات و عدالت</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>39</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>58</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">106602</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22059/jisr.2025.403443.1667</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>محمدحسین</FirstName>
					<LastName>پناهی</LastName>
<Affiliation>گروه جامعه‌شناسی، دانشکده علوم اجتماعی، دانشگاه علامه طباطبائی، تهران، ایران</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0009-0002-6279-4013</Identifier>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>کوثر</FirstName>
					<LastName>درزی‌نژاد</LastName>
<Affiliation>دانشجوی دکتری جامعه‌شناسی سیاسی، دانشکده علوم اجتماعی، دانشگاه علامه طباطبائی، تهران، ایران</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0009-0004-9132-5237</Identifier>

</Author>
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				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2025</Year>
					<Month>10</Month>
					<Day>01</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
This study examines the relationship between the state and social forces in two consecutive political periods in Iran: the “Reform” period and the “Justice” period. Social forces, as intermediary institutions between the state and society, play a key role in participatory policymaking through advocacy and efforts to influence decisions. Governments adopt different approaches toward these forces, ranging from selective restriction or facilitation to responsiveness. During the Reform era, concepts such as religious democracy, political participation, and civil society were prevalent, while the Justice era witnessed a shift in this discourse. Social forces employ methods such as petitions, mobilizing public opinion, media campaigns, virtual campaigns, and lobbying. Factors such as financial resources, mobilization capacity, and social networks affect their domain of influence. Despite the importance of this topic, comprehensive research directly identifying social forces in these two period and examining their interaction with governments is scarce. These two eras were selected due to their chronological sequence, the fundamental shift in government approach, and the potential for comparing two distinct models of state-social forces relations. The article seeks to answer three main questions: What were the active social forces in each period? How did they pursue their demands? And what was each government&#039;s approach and strategy toward these demands?&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Methodology &lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
This research employs a qualitative documentary method. Data were collected from reputable databases (Noormags, SID, Humanities Portal) using keywords such as social forces, Reform government, and Justice government. Data analysis was conducted descriptively-analytically, with findings categorized into three main groups of social forces: students, women, and professional organizations. For each group, demands and government responses were examined, and results were summarized in a table. Documents indicate that students, women and teachers were active social forces in both periods, and their advocacy can be analyzed across the Reform and Justice periods.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Findings&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
This study identifies four main social forces active in Iran between 1997 and 2013: students, teachers, and women&#039;s organizations. The demands of each group and the responses of the Reform (Khatami) and Justice (Ahmadinejad) governments are examined separately.&lt;br /&gt;
Students: During the Reform period, the Office for Strengthening Unity (Daftar-e Tahkim-e Vahdat) played a pivotal role in Khatami&#039;s presidential victory, pursuing demands such as freedom of speech, press freedom, and student rights. In response to the 1999 protests, the Reform government submitted dual bills to parliament to clarify presidential powers, but they failed. According to Migdal&#039;s theory, the realization of demands depended not on the executive branch&#039;s will but on the balance of power among state institutions. During the Justice period, student demands shifted toward welfare issues; the Office was weakened, and the government imposed various costs on student activism.&lt;br /&gt;
Teachers: Khatami&#039;s presidency was a turning point for teachers; professional associations were revived, and demands focused on economic issues and free education. The government formed a special education committee and proposed educational reform plans. Throughout the Justice period, teacher associations were restricted, leading to radicalized activism through strikes and gatherings. The government withdrew the salary increase bill and implemented the Civil Service Management Law. According to Huntington, weak state support led to the collapse of institutionalization and a return to mass society.&lt;br /&gt;
Women: Women established organizations such as the Women&#039;s Human Rights Association, demanding legal reforms, participation rights, and presidential candidacy. Achievements included gender content in the Fourth Development Plan, reforms to marriage age and custody laws, and lifting the ban on female students studying abroad. This progress halted during the Justice period, and a bill promoting polygamy was passed despite women&#039;s opposition.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Conclusion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Social forces faced more favorable conditions for organizing during the Reform period, but full demand realization did not realized due to fragmented state structures. The Justice government&#039;s responses were primarily coercive, aimed at closing civil society. Iran has not transitioned from mass society to an organized society due to weak institutionalization. This situation threatens state stability, weakens state-society relations, and increases social dissatisfaction, potentially leading to non-institutionalized activism.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;strong&gt; &lt;/strong&gt;</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">رابطۀ دولت و نیروهای اجتماعی در دوره‌های مختلف تاریخ معاصر ایران از اهمیت ویژه‌ای برخوردار بوده و مسیر پرفراز و نشیبی را طی کرده‌است. در این مقاله، رابطۀ دولت و نیروهای اجتماعی منتخب در دو دورۀ «اصلاحات» و «عدالت» مورد مطالعه و مقایسه قرار گرفت.&lt;br /&gt;
این پژوهش با روش اسنادی انجام شده، و منابع موجود درباره نیروهای اجتماعی مورد نظر بررسی و کاوش شده‌است. نیروهای اجتماعی فعال در این ادوار شامل دانشجویان، زنان، کارگران، روشنفکران، هنرمندان، روزنامه‎نگاران، اصناف و بازاریان، معلمان، بازنشستگان، روحانیون، نخبگان و برخی از اقوام و اقلیت‌ها بوده‌اند، که از میان آن‌ها دانشجویان، معلمان و زنان جهت بررسی انتخاب شدند.&lt;br /&gt;
یافته‌های این پژوهش حاکی از آن است که کنشگری این نیروهای اجتماعی در دوران «اصلاحات» درباره مطالباتشان نتیجه بخش­تر از دوره «عدالت» بوده‌است. در دوره اصلاحات، فضای سیاسی برای تشکل و فعالیت نیروهای اجتماعی مساعدتر از دوره «عدالت» بوده و زمینه را برای موفقیت نسبی آن‌ها فراهم کرده‌است. همچنین، این مطالعه نشان داد همانطور که میگدال دولت را محل چالش و رقابت نیروهای مختلف سیاسی معرفی کرده‌است، دولت اصلاحات و عدالت نیز یکپارچه نبوده و محل رقابت نیروهای سیاسی مختلف بوده­اند، که اثر آن در برخوردهای متفاوت با نیروهای اجتماعی نمود یافته‌است.&lt;br /&gt;
نتایج بیانگر آن است که میزان گشودگی دولت به تشکل‌یابی و گفت‌وگو با نیروهای اجتماعی، همچنان می‌تواند در کارآمدی سیاست‌ورزی و مدیریت مطالبات در وضعیت کنونی ایران نقش تعیین‌کننده داشته باشد.</OtherAbstract>
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			<Param Name="value">تشکل‌های صنفی</Param>
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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>انتشارات دانشگاه تهران</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>مطالعات و تحقیقات اجتماعی در ایران</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2588-6355</Issn>
				<Volume>15</Volume>
				<Issue>2</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2026</Year>
					<Month>06</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>School and the Hypertrophy of Formlessness: The Construction of Today&#039;s School in Iran</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>مدرسه و فربه‌شدگی بی‌شکلی: برساخت مدرسۀ امروزی در ایران</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>59</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>80</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">106608</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22059/jisr.2026.409461.1709</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>احسان</FirstName>
					<LastName>صنعتکار</LastName>
<Affiliation>دانشکدۀ علوم اجتماعی، گروه علوم اجتماعی، دانشگاه فرهنگیان، کرج، ایران</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0009-0003-5422-9169</Identifier>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>محمد</FirstName>
					<LastName>گنجی</LastName>
<Affiliation>دانشکدۀ علوم انسانی، گروه علوم اجتماعی، دانشگاه کاشان، کاشان، ایران</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0003-2123-4431</Identifier>

</Author>
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				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2026</Year>
					<Month>01</Month>
					<Day>05</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The present article, titled “School and the Hypertrophy of Formlessness” – which has been designated as the core code serving as the central signifier in the discourse of education specialists – was conducted to examine the current state and the construction of today’s school.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Method&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This qualitative study, using grounded theory, conducted semi‑structured interviews with 13 education experts at various levels. Based on the coding model, this resulted in 54 open codes and 9 axial codes.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Findings&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This group, which for many years have not only worked *in* the school but also *for* the school at different decision‑making levels, believe that today’s school generally lacks a clear and definite purpose for students and is characterized by structural routinization and executor-oriented practices. Centralisation, together with a lack of will and capacity for local management, means that the mechanism, approach, and spirit of the school organisation are determined not within the school itself but from outside it. As Apple argues, when the planning process is separated from implementation, a form of alienation emerges, and the executor’s capacity is ignored for creativity and volition.&lt;br /&gt;While Foucault characterizes the educational system as an apparatus of institutional power, Apple contends that this framework is incomplete. Instead, Apple posits that the school is not merely a product of top-down authority, but a contradictory synthesis of micro- and macro-level tensions across the cultural, political, and economic spectrum, the resolution of which defines the current state of schooling. Apple states that education is fundamentally political and ideological, and it is power that decides what knowledge is to be distributed and how. He raises the question of what a school is and for whom it exists, what knowledge it distributes and promotes among people and how, and he explains the relationship between education and power and the contradictory relations between them. He argues that the educational system is a function of the institution of power, controlling everything through the curriculum and allowing no other programme or activity.&lt;br /&gt;However, the definition of the subject in today’s school has become entangled in a serious struggle between institutional and non‑institutional sources of power in society. The outcome of this struggle in most schools is the reproduction and hypertrophy of the same extant form.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Conclusion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The results of this research show that schools essentially make individuals ‘fatter’ – i.e., amplify them – based on what they already are. As the relevant theorists contend, this is the very nature of the educational system and the school organisation in the modern era. Indeed, the goal of the modern school is defined as serving the sources of power. Nevertheless, given the general condition of schools – apart from special and alternative schools – this core code expresses a situation in which schools, institutionally and structurally, lack both the programme and the necessary capacity to shape the subject even according to the definitions of the national policy documents. In fact, There is a rupture between will and possibility within the school. This rupture manifests itself as an exaggeration of form without content, and in the field of practice the subject becomes formless. In a sense, the school organisation reproduces listlessness and indeterminacy.&lt;br /&gt;This situation does not mean that the school has no orientation; rather, it means that because of its diversity, today’s school merely assembles a homogeneous group of students and reproduces their existing social and cultural background – i.e., it makes the students ‘fatter’ in their own shape. In effect, this formlessness is the amplification of the existing state. Indeed, given the events in society and as argued by Rezaei (2005), today’s school is caught in a conflict among various discourses and regards itself as lacking a firm theoretical refuge. In such circumstances, the school, without a refuge, effectively falls into a state of stagnation and aimlessness, leading it to perceive itself as formless and indeterminate. Consequently, the school reproduces a status quo within which it has become empty and alienated, turning to credentialism. Credentialism, in turn, aligns the school with the market order and turns it into a commodity. At this point, school‑based education leads to the reification of the human being and the instrumentalisation of knowledge; everything becomes listless, and individuals are merely amplified - become ‘fatter’ - within the school based on their cultural capital, economic capital, and family background. In this state, the school itself becomes a purchasable and saleable commodity, and, according to Freire, turns into a centre for information testing. In a dialectical relationship, the school is reduced to a shapeless, identity‑less physical framework that acquires shape and identity only through the aggregation of a relatively homogeneous group of students. Hence, the school lacks the capacity for genuine “tarbiat” (education/upbringing) and merely amplifies the shape of that student group, thereby spreading its own formlessness.&lt;br /&gt;Based on the conducted coding procedures, the open codes are explained according to the categories. In total, interviews were conducted with an expert group comprising 13 participants, resulting in the extraction of 54 codes and 9 core codes. Moreover, according to the statistical output using MAXQDA software, the most frequent words among this group were: school, change, society, power, credential, and identity.&lt;br /&gt; </Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">مدرسه در هر جامعه‌ای تلاش می‌کند تا دانش‌آموزان را جامعه‌پذیر کرده و به نحوی تربیت کند که مطابق با اهداف و آرمان‌های جامعه باشد و از این‌رو صاحب‌نظران مختلفی پیرامون آن بحث کرده‌اند.&lt;br /&gt;هدف پژوهش حاضر واکاوی برساخت سازمان مدرسه در جامعۀ امروزی بوده و خواستار تبیین وضعیت مدرسه و نوع مواجهۀ آن با تربیت دانش‌آموز است. در پژوهش حاضر، با استفاده از روش گرندد تئوری، به‌طور هدفمند با 13 نفر از کارشناسان و صاحبنظران اجرایی و علمی در حوزۀ تعلیم و تربیت مصاحبۀ نیمه‌ساختاریافته صورت پذیرفت و در سه مرحله با نرم‌افزار مکس­کیودا کدگذاری انجام شد. درمجموع 54 کد باز و 9 کد محوری با عنوان‌های دستکش مخملی قدرت، مدرسۀ بی‌آرمان، خانوادۀ حداکثری، محوبودگی معنای استعداد، شیء‌شدگی انسان، مدرسۀ بی‌فرصت، مدرسۀ کنترلی، ابزارشدگی دانش، بازتولید وضعیت موجود و مدرسۀ مدرک‌گرا استخراج شد.&lt;br /&gt;مفهوم مدرسه و فربه‌شدگی بی‌شکلی نیز به‌عنوان کد هستۀ پژوهش تعریف شد. این مفهوم بیانگر این است که مدرسۀ امروزی فاقد امکان تربیت سوژۀ مورد نظر خویش است و براساس نوع تعامل با منابع نهادی و غیرنهادی قدرت و سیاست‌گذاری‌های موجود، مدرسه به محل بازتولید شکل‌های موجود گروه‌های اجتماعی تبدیل شده است و در چنین حالتی خود مدرسه فاقد شکل‌دهی بوده و بی‌شکلی خویش را در قالب شکل‌دهی براساس سرمایۀ نمادین گروه‌ها جبران می‌کند. در این حالت مدرسه که خود فاقد شکلی معین است، نوعی از تربیت بی‌شکل را تعمیق می‌بخشد</OtherAbstract>
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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>انتشارات دانشگاه تهران</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>مطالعات و تحقیقات اجتماعی در ایران</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2588-6355</Issn>
				<Volume>15</Volume>
				<Issue>2</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2026</Year>
					<Month>06</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Explaining the Causes of Differences in Corruption Levels in Iran, Turkey, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and Jordan: A Historical Comparative Approach</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>تبیین علل تفاوت سطح فساد در ایران، ترکیه، عربستان، کویت و اردن؛ رویکرد تطبیقی تاریخی</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>81</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>102</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">106603</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22059/jisr.2026.408924.1702</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>امید</FirstName>
					<LastName>رسولی</LastName>
<Affiliation>دانشجوی دکتری مطالعات سیاسی انقلاب اسلامی، تهران، ایران، پژوهشکدۀ امام خمینی و انقلاب اسلامی، تهران، ایران</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0009-0007-0566-2459</Identifier>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>امیر</FirstName>
					<LastName>عظیمی دولت آبادی</LastName>
<Affiliation>گروه جامعه شناسی، پژوهشکده امام خمینی و انقلاب اسلامی، تهران، ایران</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0002-8555-4971</Identifier>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>محمد‌رضا</FirstName>
					<LastName>طالبان</LastName>
<Affiliation>گروه جامعه‌شناسی، پژوهشکدۀ امام خمینی و انقلاب اسلامی، تهران، ایران</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2025</Year>
					<Month>12</Month>
					<Day>27</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Corruption is widely regarded as one of the most significant obstacles to effective governance and sustainable development. It weakens public institutions, undermines political legitimacy, distorts economic decision-making, and erodes public trust. In Iran, corruption has long been a major political and social concern. Although combating corruption and promoting social justice were among the central objectives of the 1979 Islamic Revolution, corruption has remained a persistent challenge and manifested in numerous large-scale financial and administrative scandals over recent decades.&lt;br /&gt;
International assessments consistently rank Iran among the countries with relatively high levels of perceived corruption. However, a comparative examination of the Middle Eastern countries reveals an important puzzle. Several countries in the region share characteristics commonly associated with corruption, including authoritarian political systems, dependence on natural-resource revenues, and limited democratic accountability. Despite these similarities, corruption levels differ considerably. While Iran and Turkey exhibit relatively high levels of corruption, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and Jordan perform comparatively better on international corruption-control indicators.&lt;br /&gt;
This study seeks to explain this variation by addressing the following question: Despite their common regional and structural features, why do Iran and Turkey exhibit substantially higher levels of corruption compare to Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and Jordan? Rather than merely identifying factors associated with corruption, the research aims to determine which factors most effectively distinguish high-corruption cases from lower-corruption cases.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Method&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
The study employs a historical-comparative research design and uses John Stuart Mill’s Method of Difference as its principal analytical framework. Five countries—Iran, Turkey, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and Jordan—were selected because they share historical, cultural, and geopolitical similarities while exhibiting meaningful variation in corruption levels.&lt;br /&gt;
Corruption is defined as the abuse of public authority for private gain and measured through internationally recognized indicators, particularly Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) and the World Bank’s Control of Corruption indicator. Drawing on the theoretical literature, eight explanatory variables were examined and grouped into three broad categories: 1) Institutional and governance factors, including institutional quality, the rule of law, and government accountability and transparency; 2) Political-economy factors, including natural-resource rents, political power concentration, and state intervention in the economy; 3) Socio-cultural factors, including social capital and political culture.&lt;br /&gt;
Data were collected from reputable international sources such as the World Bank, Transparency International, Freedom House, the World Values Survey, Arab Barometer, and other governance databases. Through systematic comparison, the study identifies which factors consistently differentiate countries with high levels of corruption from those with lower levels.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Findings&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
The comparative analysis demonstrates that many commonly cited causes of corruption fail to explain the observed differences among the selected countries. Factors such as dependence on oil revenues, political authority concentration, restricted democratic participation, and weak social capital are present to varying degrees across both high-corruption and lower-corruption cases.&lt;br /&gt;
For example, Saudi Arabia and Kuwait are highly dependent on natural-resource rents and possess centralized political structures, yet they exhibit lower levels of corruption than Iran and Turkey. Similarly, restrictions on political competition and accountability are evident across most of the countries examined, regardless of their corruption rankings. These findings indicate that such variables, although potentially contributing to corruption, do not adequately account for cross-national variation.&lt;br /&gt;
Among the eight variables analyzed, institutional quality emerges as the only factor that consistently conforms to the logic of Mill’s Method of Difference. Iran and Turkey, as countries with elevated corruption levels, display relatively weak, fragmented, and less effective institutions. In contrast, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and Jordan possess governance institutions that are comparatively more coherent, capable, and effective in implementing regulations and overseeing public administration.&lt;br /&gt;
In Iran, institutional fragmentation, overlapping responsibilities among oversight agencies, limited judicial independence, and the influence of powerful informal networks have contributed to the persistence and reproduction of corruption. Although anti-corruption organizations formally exist, their effectiveness is often reduced by legal ambiguities, insufficient coordination, and political constraints.&lt;br /&gt;
Turkey presents a similar pattern. Institutional reforms implemented during the early 2000s initially strengthened governance capacity and accountability mechanisms. However, subsequent political developments, particularly the increasing concentration of executive power and weakening of judicial and media independence, reduced the effectiveness of institutional checks and increased vulnerability to corruption.&lt;br /&gt;
By contrast, Saudi Arabia has developed a relatively centralized but effective administrative apparatus capable of enforcing compliance and controlling various forms of corruption despite imperfect democratic accountability. Kuwait and Jordan have also benefited from comparatively stronger administrative systems, procedural oversight mechanisms, and gradual institutional reforms that have enhanced governance capacity.&lt;br /&gt;
The findings further suggest that strong institutions can reduce the corrupting effects of other adverse conditions, including rentier economic structures and concentrated political authority. Conversely, weak institutions magnify the corruption risks associated with these factors.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Conclusion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
This study concludes that although corruption is a multidimensional phenomenon influenced by numerous political, economic, and social factors, these factors do not possess equal explanatory weight. Through a historical-comparative analysis of five Middle Eastern countries, the research identifies institutional quality as the principal factor explaining differences in corruption levels.&lt;br /&gt;
The results indicate that effective institutions—particularly those associated with the rule of law, bureaucratic capacity, regulatory coherence, and oversight—constitute a necessary condition for controlling corruption. Even in contexts characterized by authoritarian governance or heavy dependence on natural-resource revenues, strong institutions can significantly limit opportunities for corruption.&lt;br /&gt;
The policy implications are particularly relevant for Iran and Turkey. Sustainable reductions in corruption require comprehensive institutional reforms aimed at strengthening judicial independence, improving coordination among oversight bodies, enhancing administrative effectiveness, and expanding transparency and accountability mechanisms. Without such reforms, anti-corruption initiatives are unlikely to achieve lasting success.&lt;br /&gt;
By highlighting institutional quality as the key explanatory variable, this study contributes to the comparative literature on corruption in the Middle East and provides an empirically grounded framework for understanding why corruption varies across countries that otherwise share many structural and historical characteristics.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">این پژوهش با هدف بررسی تطبیقی فساد در پنج کشور ایران، ترکیه، عربستان سعودی، کویت و اردن انجام شده است. سؤال تحقیق این است که چرا با وجود اشتراکات موجود، فساد در ایران و ترکیه به‌طور معناداری بیشتر از سه کشور دیگر است؟ برای پاسخ به این پرسش، از روش تطبیقی تاریخی و تکنیک اختلاف میل استفاده شد و هشت سازه علی شامل کیفیت نهادها، پاسخگویی و شفافیت دولت، حاکمیت قانون، رانت منابع طبیعی، تمرکز قدرت سیاسی، مداخلۀ دولت در اقتصاد، سرمایۀ اجتماعی و فرهنگ سیاسی مورد تحلیل قرار گرفت.&lt;br /&gt;
یافته‌های تحقیق نشان می‌دهد که از بین علل فوق، تنها متغیر کیفیت نهادها، الگوی حضور و غیابی مطابق با منطق اختلاف میل از خود نشان می‌دهد؛ به این معنا که ضعف نهادی به‌طور سیستماتیک در کشورهای با سطح بالای فساد (ایران و ترکیه) مشاهده می‌شود؛ در حالی‌که در کشورهای با سطح پایین فساد (عربستان، کویت و اردن) نهادهای حکمرانی از کارآمدی و انسجام نسبی بیشتری برخوردارند. نتایج پژوهش تأکید می‌کند که علل دیگر، به‌تنهایی نمی‌تواند تفاوت سطح فساد را در کشورهای مورد مطالعه توضیح دهد؛ زیرا این علل در هردو گروه کشورها حاضر است؛ اما نهادهای قوی و کارآمد قادرند حتی در حضور سایر علل، خطر فساد را مهار کنند.&lt;br /&gt;
در نتیجه، مبارزه با فساد در کشورهای دارای سطح بالای فساد نیازمند اصلاحات عمیق نهادی است و بهبود کیفیت نهادهای حکمرانی شرط لازم برای خروج از چرخۀ معیوب فساد محسوب می‌شود.</OtherAbstract>
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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>انتشارات دانشگاه تهران</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>مطالعات و تحقیقات اجتماعی در ایران</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2588-6355</Issn>
				<Volume>15</Volume>
				<Issue>2</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2026</Year>
					<Month>06</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Intra-Ethnic Marriages in the Border Regions of Huraman-Lehun</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>ازدواج‌های درون‌قومی در مناطق مرزی هورامان لهون</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>103</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>122</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">106607</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22059/jisr.2026.408974.1703</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>فرشاد</FirstName>
					<LastName>بهرام زاده</LastName>
<Affiliation>دانشجوی دکتری جامعه شناسی، دانشکده علوم انسانی، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، واحد تهران شمال، تهران، ایران</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>حسین</FirstName>
					<LastName>دانش مهر</LastName>
<Affiliation>گروه جامعه شناسی، دانشکده علوم انسانی و اجتماعی، دانشگاه کردستان، سنندج، ایران</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0002-9280-6081</Identifier>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>حبیب</FirstName>
					<LastName>صبوری خسروشاهی</LastName>
<Affiliation>گروه علوم اجتماعی، واحد تهران شرق، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، تهران، ایران.</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2025</Year>
					<Month>12</Month>
					<Day>28</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Intra-ethnic marriage within the framework of contemporary social and cultural transformations can be defined as a type of marital bond formed between two individuals belonging to the same ethnic group, tribe, or shared cultural-racial group. This form of spouse selection is usually driven by motives such as preserving collective identity, maintaining cultural cohesion, continuing traditions and inherited rituals, and strengthening intra-group kinship networks. The &quot;Horaman-Lehon&quot; region, as the empirical field of this research, is a notable example of border social spaces where political boundaries have not been able to completely rupture deep social and cultural continuities. This region - part of which lies in Kermanshah Province in Iran and the other part in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq - has preserved a shared lifeworld among its inhabitants. As a result, ethnic, linguistic, religious, and historical commonalities have provided a foundation for the continuation of social interactions and, in particular, cross-border marital ties. In this context, intra-ethnic marriages are considered not merely an individual choice, but a deeply rooted and meaningful social action, formed in close connection with the identity and historical structures of the region. Focusing on the Horaman-Lehon region and drawing on the lived experience of residents of the two villages of Hani-Garmele in Iran and Biyare in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, this research seeks to analyze the social, cultural, and structural contexts shaping intra-ethnic marriages in border regions. Furthermore, this study aims to explore the reasons for the continuity of such marriages, their individual and collective consequences, and the strategies that social actors adopt to sustain and reproduce these bonds under the specific conditions of border-dwelling.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Methodology&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This study is methodologically grounded in the qualitative research tradition. Among qualitative methods, grounded theory – due to its features such as theoretical capacity, continuous and active engagement of the researcher with the research subject, and amendability – enjoy of great importance for developing theoretical frameworks to understand social problems. In this study, purposive sampling, theoretical sampling, and maximum variation sampling have been employed in a mixed manner. The main data collection tool in this study was an in-depth, face-to-face semi-structured interview, with each interview lasting between 60 and 90 minutes. For this purpose, interviews were conducted with 26 couples - those married in the form of intra-ethnic marriage - and influential figures and key informants from the villages of Hanegarmele (Iran) and Biyare (Kurdistan Region of Iraq). For data analysis, thematic analysis technique was utilized within the overall framework of grounded theory.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Findings &lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The results illustrate that historical conditions, cultural commonalities, and border proximity constitute the contextual conditions shaping intra-ethnic marriage on both sides of the border. Flexible survival mechanisms and economic and service opportunities have created the causal conditions for this type of marriage, while increasing cross-border mobility, the emergence of new job and educational opportunities, and modern communication technologies have served as intervening factors helping to accelerate and facilitate the process of intra-ethnic marriage. The consequence of this process has been cross-border social system-building; meaning that these marriages have led to the creation of a cross-border security and support network, a reduced perception of border limitations, increased economic exchanges, and mediation during politically sensitive times. Through strategies such as continuously strengthening the moral economy of kinship and redefining marriage from a mere economic transaction into an &quot;ethnic-supportive action,&quot; the residents ensure the continuity and strengthening of this self-built system. Border intra-ethnic marriage in Horaman-Lehon is a spontaneous and intelligent “life policy” for managing risks and exploiting opportunities on both sides of the border. Rooted in historical-cultural commonalities, this phenomenon has led to cross-border social system-building - networks of security, support, economic exchange, and mediation). By strengthening the &quot;moral economy of kinship&quot; and redefining marriage as an “ethnic-supportive action,” residents ensure the continuity of this pattern.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Conclusion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The core category of this research “border intra-ethnic marriage as a life policy on the border” clearly demonstrates that this phenomenon, i.e., ethnic marriage on the border, is a strategic, flexible, rational, and forward-looking response to the difficult and specific conditions of living in a border region fraught with instability and tension. This spontaneous social policy, while rooted in shared tradition and culture, is also fully adapted to and has evolved with the political, economic, and technological developments of recent decades, and it often represents a collective strategy for preserving identity, security, and resources under conditions of border uncertainty.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">پژوهش حاضر با هدف تحلیل زمینه‌های شکل‌دهنده، دلایل تداوم، پیامدهای و استراتژی­های اتخاذ شده در ازدواج‌های درون‌قومی مناطق مرزی انجام شده است. چارچوب نظری تلفیقی، با هدف درک ازدواج درون قومی در مناطق مرزی با اشتراکات فرهنگی اجتماعی شامل نظریه «دایره فرهنگی» اشمیت و گربنر، نظریه طرح‌واره‌های فرهنگی و نظریه زمینه ارتباطات بین‌قومی یونگ یون کیم بوده است.&lt;br /&gt;روش پژوهش، روش و نظریه­ای زمینه­ای بوده و گردآوری داده­ها از طریق مصاحبه‌های نیمه‌ساختاریافته عمیق با ٢٦ نفراز زوج­ها و مطلعین کلیدی منطقه هورامان لهون_روستاهای هانه‌گرمله در ایران و بیاره در اقلیم کردستان عراق_ انجام گرفته است. تجزیه و تحلیل داده‌ها در سه مرحله کدگذاری باز، محوری و انتخابی به استخراج ١٧ مقوله محوری، 5 مقوله انتخابی و یک مقوله هسته مرکزی منجر شده است.&lt;br /&gt;نتایج نشان می­دهد که شرایط تاریخی، اشتراکات فرهنگی و مجاورت مرزی شرایط زمینه­ای شکل­دهنده به ازدواج درون قومی را در دو سوی مرز می­باشد. سازوکارهای انعطاف‌پذیر بقا و فرصت­های اقتصادی و خدماتی شرایط علی این نوع ازدواج را به­وجود آورد است و تحرک مرزی فزاینده، ظهور فرصت‌های جدید شغلی و تحصیلی و فناوری‌های ارتباطی نوین به عنوان عامل و شرایط مداخله­گر در تسریع و تسهیل این امر کمک کرده است. پیامد این فرآیند، نظام‌سازی اجتماعی فرامرزی بوده است؛ به این معنا که این ازدواج‌ها منجر به ایجاد شبکه امنیت و حمایت فرامرزی، کاهش پنداشت محدودیت‌های مرزی، افزایش مبادلات اقتصادی و واسطه‌گری در مواقع حساس سیاسی شده است. ساکنان با استراتژی‌هایی مانند تقویت مستمر اقتصاد اخلاقی خویشاوندی و بازتعریف ازدواج از یک معامله صرف اقتصادی به یک «کنش قومی-حمایتی»، تداوم و تقویت این نظام خودساخته را تضمین می‌کنند.&lt;br /&gt;
در نهایت می­توان گفت که ازدواج درون‌قومی مرزی به­مثابه سیاست زندگی در شرایط ناپایدار، پیچیده و پرتلاطم مرزی برای ساکنان عمل می­کند.</OtherAbstract>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">ازدواج‌های درون‌قومی</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">سیاست زندگی</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">مناطق مرزی</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">نظریه زمینه ای</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">هورامان لهون</Param>
			</Object>
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<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://jisr.ut.ac.ir/article_106607_96d03f2ae912106329f0cee99287350a.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>انتشارات دانشگاه تهران</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>مطالعات و تحقیقات اجتماعی در ایران</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2588-6355</Issn>
				<Volume>15</Volume>
				<Issue>2</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2026</Year>
					<Month>06</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>A Study of Social Patterns of Citizens’ Attitudes toward Working Children in the City of Mashhad</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>مطالعه نوع نگرش شهروندان نسبت به کودکان کار در شهر مشهد</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>123</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>144</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">106606</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22059/jisr.2026.403664.1670</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>رضا</FirstName>
					<LastName>صفری شالی</LastName>
<Affiliation>گروه جامعه‌شناسی دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه خوارزمی، تهران، ایران</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0003-3095-0819</Identifier>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>مریم</FirstName>
					<LastName>رضایی</LastName>
<Affiliation>کارشناسی ارشد جامعه شناسی، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی دانشگاه خوارزمی، تهران، ایران</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0009-0005-4390-213X</Identifier>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>مجتبی</FirstName>
					<LastName>اسلامی</LastName>
<Affiliation>دانشجوی دکتری بررسی مسائل اجتماعی، گروه جامعه‌شناسی، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه خوارزمی، تهران، ایران</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>زهرا</FirstName>
					<LastName>خادم حسینی</LastName>
<Affiliation>کارشناسی ارشد پژوهش علوم اجتماعی، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه خوارزمی، تهران، ایران</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0009-0009-1961-5359</Identifier>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2025</Year>
					<Month>10</Month>
					<Day>04</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Child labor is a critical urban social issue in Mashhad, the second-largest metropolis in Iran. According to official statistics, 1/187 working children were identified in Mashhad between 2020 and 2022, of whom 70% were foreign nationals (primarily Afghan migrants) and 30% were Iranian citizens. While extensive research has examined the economic and family factors driving child labor, little attention has been paid to citizens&#039; attitudes toward this phenomenon. Public attitudes are important because they shape social responses, influence policy-making, and can either reproduce or reduce the harms associated with child labor. Drawing on symbolic interactionism (Blumer), social stratification theory (Weber, Bourdieu), and stigma theory (Goffman), this study argues that attitudes toward working children are formed at the intersection of socioeconomic position, residential context, age, and daily urban interactions. The study aims to: (1) describe citizens&#039; attitudes across three dimensions—empathetic, hostile, and indifferent; and (2) examine how these attitudes differ by gender, age, residential area, and socioeconomic status.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Methodology&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
This study adopts a positivist paradigm and employs a quantitative, descriptive-analytical survey design. The statistical population consisted of all citizens aged 18 years and older in Mashhad (approximately 3/300/000 according to the 2016 census). Using Cochran&#039;s formula and multistage probability cluster sampling, 384 respondents were selected. Data were collected utilizing a researcher-made questionnaire validated by expert review and pretesting. Reliability was confirmed with Cronbach&#039;s alpha exceeding 0.7 for all scales. The questionnaire measured: (1) empathetic attitude (13 items), (2) hostile attitude (13 items), (3) indifferent attitude (9 items), and (4) socioeconomic status (6 items covering education, occupation, and income). All items used a 5-point Likert scale. The theoretical range for each attitude dimension was 11 to 55, with a hypothetical mean of 33. Data analysis was carried out in SPSS version 22. Independent t-tests and one-way ANOVA with Tukey&#039;s post hoc tests were employed to compare group means.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Findings&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
The sample consisted of 62/8% male and 37/2% female respondents, with a mean age of 36/5 years. In terms of socioeconomic status (SES), 19/9% were low SES, 64/3% middle SES, and 15/8% high SES. Descriptive findings exhibited that the mean empathetic attitude was 35/80 (above the hypothetical mean of 33), mean hostile attitude was 32/42 (below the mean), and mean indifferent attitude was 30/45 (below the mean). Thus, citizens hold above-average empathy but below-average hostility and indifference.&lt;br /&gt;
Hypothesis testing revealed the following:&lt;br /&gt;
Gender: No significant differences were found between men and women in empathetic (p = 0/83), hostile (p = 0/12), or indifferent (p = 0/18) attitudes&lt;br /&gt;
Age: No significant age differences were observed for empathetic attitude (p = 0/247). However, significant differences were detected for hostile attitude (F = 3/98, p = 0/019) and indifferent attitude (F = 7/06, p = 0/001)/ The 33–47 age group showed the highest hostile attitude, while the 18–32 age group demonstrated the highest indifferent attitude.&lt;br /&gt;
Residential area: Significant differences were found for empathetic attitude (F = 13/00, p &lt; 0/01) and indifferent attitude (F = 4/40, p = 0/013), but not for hostile attitude/ Residents of upper-class neighborhoods were more empathetic, while residents of lower-class neighborhoods were more indifferent.&lt;br /&gt;
Socioeconomic status: Analysis indicated significant differences across all three dimensions: empathetic (F = 18/08, p &lt; 0/01), hostile (F = 3/11, p = 0/046), and indifferent (F = 5/45, p = 0/005). Lower SES individuals exhibited the highest empathetic attitude, while higher SES individuals showed higher hostile and indifferent attitudes.&lt;br /&gt;
 &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Conclusion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
The findings indicate that citizens of Mashhad hold a complex pattern of attitudes toward working children, characterized by above-average empathy combined with moderate levels of indifference and low hostility. Gender does not influence these attitudes, suggesting that daily urban encounters with working children transcend traditional gender roles. Age influences hostile and indifferent attitudes but not empathy, possibly reflecting generational differences in desensitization and perceptions of social order. Residential area and socioeconomic status are the most powerful predictors of attitudes: upper-class residents and higher SES individuals exhibit more empathy, while lower-class residents and lower SES individuals show more indifference—except that lower SES individuals, paradoxically, show the highest empathy. This paradox suggests that shared economic hardship may foster solidarity with vulnerable groups. The normalization of child labor through daily proximity in lower-class neighborhoods may, however, reduce social sensitivity over time. From a theoretical perspective, these findings support an integrated model combining symbolic interactionism (meaning-making through daily encounters), social stratification (SES shaping perceptions of victims), and stigma theory (labeling processes). Practically, the results highlight the need for spatially targeted awareness campaigns, school-based educational programs on children&#039;s rights, and structural poverty-alleviation measures to address the root causes of child labor in Mashhad.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">پدیدۀ کودکان کار یکی از مسائل مهم شهری در مشهد است که نحوه مواجهۀ شهروندان با آن می‌تواند بر بازتولید یا کاهش آن تأثیرگذار باشد. هدف پژوهش حاضر، تبیین الگوی نگرش شهروندان مشهد نسبت به کودکان کار و سنجش تفاوت این نگرش‌ها بر حسب ویژگی‌های جمعیت‌شناختی و پایگاه اقتصادی-اجتماعی است.&lt;br /&gt;
پژوهش به صورت توصیفی- تحلیلی و از نوع پیمایش است. جامعۀ آماری شامل کلیۀ شهروندان ۱۸ سال به بالای شهر مشهد است که با استفاده از نمونه‌گیری احتمالی چندمرحله ای ، ۳۸۴ نفر به‌عنوان نمونه انتخاب شدند. ابزار گردآوری داده‌ها پرسش‌نامۀ محقق‌ساخته بود که سه بُعد «نگرش همدلانه، خصمانه و بی‌تفاوت» نسبت به کودکان کار را می‌سنجید. روایی صوری و محتوایی پرسش‌نامه با نظر خبرگان و پایایی آن با آلفای کرونباخ تأیید شد. نتایج یافته‌ها نشان داد میانگین نگرش همدلانه، خصمانه و بی‌تفاوت شهروندان (با توجه به بازه نمرات 11 تا 55 و میانگین مفروض 33)  به‌ترتیب ۳۵٫۸۰، ۳۲٫۴۲ و ۳۰٫۴۵ است؛ به‌گونه‌ای که نگرش همدلانه در سطحی بالاتر از متوسط، نگرش خصمانه و بی تفاوت پایین‌تر از متوسط قرار دارد. جنسیت در هیچ‌یک از ابعاد نگرش تفاوت معناداری ایجاد نکرد (p&gt;0.05). سن در ابعاد خصمانه (F=3.98، p=0.019) و بی‌تفاوت (F=7.06، p=0.001) اثرگذار بود. منطقه محل سکونت در نگرش همدلانه (F=13.00، p</OtherAbstract>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">کودکان کار</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">نگرش شهروندان</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">پایگاه اقتصادی-اجتماعی</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">قشربندی اجتماعی</Param>
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			<Param Name="value">مشهد</Param>
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<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://jisr.ut.ac.ir/article_106606_3b72758183d3d8a4945a937c4b56555d.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>انتشارات دانشگاه تهران</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>مطالعات و تحقیقات اجتماعی در ایران</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2588-6355</Issn>
				<Volume>15</Volume>
				<Issue>2</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2026</Year>
					<Month>06</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>From an Insecure Body to Social Exclusion: A Study of the Lifeworld of Patients with Epilepsy in Yazd</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>از بدن ناامن تا طرد اجتماعی: مطالعۀ زیست‌جهان بیماران مبتلا به صرع در یزد</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>145</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>163</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">107495</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22059/jisr.2025.399648.1647</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>مهناز</FirstName>
					<LastName>فرهمند</LastName>
<Affiliation>گروه جامعه شناسی، دانشکدۀ علوم اجتماعی، دانشگاه یزد، یزد، ایران</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0001-8480-9373</Identifier>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>فاطمه</FirstName>
					<LastName>دانافر</LastName>
<Affiliation>دکتری جامعه شناسی، گروه جامعه شناسی، دانشکدۀ علوم اجتماعی، دانشگاه یزد، یزد، ایران</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0003-3944-1236</Identifier>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>فضه</FirstName>
					<LastName>ابوالحسنی</LastName>
<Affiliation>دکتری جامعه شناسی، گروه جامعه شناسی، دانشکدۀ علوم اجتماعی، دانشگاه یزد، یزد، ایران</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0002-5066-0045</Identifier>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>ایمان</FirstName>
					<LastName>میربهبودی</LastName>
<Affiliation>کارشناسی ارشد، گروه مددکاری اجتماعی، دانشکدۀ علوم اجتماعی، دانشگاه یزد، یزد، ایران</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2025</Year>
					<Month>07</Month>
					<Day>29</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Epilepsy is one of the most common chronic neurological disorders and, beyond its physical consequences, it also affects the psychological, social, and cultural dimensions of patients’ lives. Although the condition is medically manageable, many patients endure suffering that goes beyond the disease itself, due to social stigma, fear of judgment, discrimination, and restrictions in marriage, education, employment, and social relationships. The historical and cultural legacy of epilepsy-long associated with fear, superstition, and social exclusion-continues to shape negative public attitudes toward individuals living with epilepsy. In Yazd, given its religious and traditional social context, epilepsy may be perceived as a taboo, pushing patients toward silence, denial, or concealment. Accordingly, the study adopts a sociological qualitative approach to explore the lived experience of patients with epilepsy in Yazd, the individual and social consequences of the illness, and their coping strategies.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Methodology&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The study adopted a qualitative grounded theory approach to develop a theoretical model of the lived experience of people with epilepsy in Yazd. Data were gathered through in-depth, semi-structured interviews. Using purposive and theoretical sampling, participants were recruited from health centers and clinics across several districts of Yazd - including Azadshahr, Kasnavieh, Sheikhdad, Eskan, Hakimzadeh, and Qaleh - and, when appropriate, from nearby community settings. sampling continued until theoretical saturation, yielding 14 interviews. Data were analyzed through open, axial, and selective coding to derive concepts, categories, and the core category. Credibility was strengthened through member checking, constant comparison, and peer review. Ethical considerations included informed consent, confidentiality, pseudonyms, and the right to withdraw at any time.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Findings&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The findings indicate that the experience of patients with epilepsy in Yazd can be understood under the core category of “Suspended Lifeworld.” This refers to a condition in which patients are neither completely excluded from society nor fully accepted within it; rather, they live on a boundary between “normality” and “social exclusion.” On the one hand, they appear to participate in everyday life like others; on the other hand, due to the stigma attached to the illness, fear of seizures, social judgment, and institutional restrictions, they are constantly faced with a sense of insecurity, suspension, and instability.&lt;br /&gt;Based on the data analysis, the reproduction of a crisis of meaning and mental confinement - or internalized stigma - were identified as the causal conditions shaping this experience. In explaining their illness, patients resorted to interpretations such as psychological pressure, physical trauma, family history, the evil eye, or supernatural forces. In the absence of a clear medical and social understanding, the illness becomes a source of confusion and existential anxiety for them. Moreover, society’s negative attitudes and the attribution of epilepsy to spirit possession, pretense, or personal weakness are gradually internalized by patients, intensifying feelings of shame, embarrassment, and fear of disclosure.&lt;br /&gt;At the contextual level, two categories became prominent: a high-risk lifeworld and the erosion of family’s emotional order. Sudden seizures turn the patient’s body into an unreliable source of threat, reducing self-confidence, sense of security, and social participation. Within the family, the illness also produces anxiety, tension, feelings of guilt, disruption of family roles, and erosion of emotional support. Alongside these factors, living on the margins and the structural trap of deprivation function as intervening conditions. In other words, patients entrapped in a cycle of social and economic deprivation due to educational decline, restrictions on driving, unstable employment, treatment costs, and weak insurance support.&lt;br /&gt;The main consequences of this situation are reflected in two categories: psychological erosion and institutionalized discrimination. Patients experience anxiety, depression, constant fear of seizures, diminished self-esteem, and a sense of having no future. At the same time, they face restrictions and discrimination in areas such as education, employment, marriage, and social participation. In response to these conditions, patients adopt two main strategies: first, psychosocial adaptation and meaning-making through accepting the illness, regular medication use, turning to spirituality, traditional medicine, and efforts to maintain calm; and second, self-imposed confinement, whereby individuals limit their presence in gatherings and public situations in order to avoid judgment, ridicule, or social rejection.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Conclusion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The findings revealed that the experience of patients with epilepsy in Yazd is not merely a medical or physical experience; rather, it is shaped in relation to cultural meanings, social reactions, family relations, and institutional structures. The core category of the study, namely “Suspended Lifeworld,” represents a condition in which patients oscillate between acceptance and rejection, normality and stigmatization, and social participation and gradual exclusion.&lt;br /&gt;In addition to enduring epileptic seizures, patients face a crisis of meaning, internalized stigma, psychological insecurity, erosion of family relationships, economic deprivation, educational and occupational limitations, and social discrimination. Therefore, patients’ suffering is not solely caused by the neurological disorder itself, but is also produced by social reactions, cultural misunderstanding, and the weakness of institutional support.&lt;br /&gt;In response to these conditions, patients employ strategies such as accepting the illness, taking medication, turning to spirituality, relying on restricted family support, and, in some cases, withdrawing from social situations. Accordingly, reducing social stigma, promoting public education, strengthening psychosocial support, revising welfare and support policies, and providing equal opportunities in education, employment, marriage, and social participation are essential for improving the quality of life of patients.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">صرع یکی از اختلالات مزمن سیستم عصبی است که علاوه بر بعد پزشکی و زیستی، پیامدهای گسترده‌ای در زندگی روزمره و اجتماعی بیماران دارد. این بیماری نه‌تنها باعث درد جسمی و اختلال در عملکردهای فردی می‌شود، بلکه بر سلامت روان، روابط خانوادگی، فعالیت‌های اجتماعی، وضعیت اقتصادی و مشارکت بیماران در جامعه نیز تأثیرگذار است. بیماری صرع را می‌توان نوعی «تشخیص پزشکی-اجتماعی» دانست که هم‌زمان هم بدن زیستی را درگیر می‌کند و هم بدن اجتماعی را تحت فشار قرار می‌دهد.&lt;br /&gt;پژوهش حاضر با رویکردی کیفی و با استفاده از روش نظریۀ زمینه‌ای، به بررسی تجربۀ زیستۀ بیماران مبتلا به صرع در شهر یزد پرداخته است. داده‌ها از طریق مصاحبه‌های عمیق و نیمه‌ساختاریافته با 14 نفر از بیماران مبتلا به صرع که از طریق پایگاه‌های سلامت شناسایی شده بودند، جمع‌آوری شده و با استفاده از سه مرحلۀ کدگذاری باز، محوری و انتخابی تحلیل شده‌اند.&lt;br /&gt;نتایج نشان می‌دهد که تجربۀ زیستۀ این بیماران در قالب مقولۀ مرکزی «زیست‌جهان تعلیقی» تعریف می‌شود. این تجربه تحت تأثیر شرایط علی مانند «بازتولید بحران معنایی» و «استیگمای درونی‌شده»، شرایط زمینه‌ای مانند «ناامنی بدن» و «فروپاشی نظم عاطفی خانواده» و عوامل مداخله‌گر نظیر «تبعیض نهادی»، «فقر ساختاری» و «زیستن در حاشیه» شکل گرفته است. مصاحبه‌شوندگان در مواجهه با پیامدهای ابتلا به این بیماری، استراتژی «سازگاری روان‌اجتماعی و معنابخشی به بیماری» و «حصر خودگزین» را برگزیده‌اند.&lt;br /&gt;یافته‌ها حاکی از آن است که صرع صرفاً یک بیماری نورولوژیک نیست، بلکه به‌عنوان مسئله‌ای اجتماعی‌ـ‌فرهنگی، نقش مهمی در شکل‌گیری هویت، کنشگری، کیفیت زندگی و احساس تعلق بیماران ایفا می‌کند.</OtherAbstract>
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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>انتشارات دانشگاه تهران</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>مطالعات و تحقیقات اجتماعی در ایران</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2588-6355</Issn>
				<Volume>15</Volume>
				<Issue>2</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2026</Year>
					<Month>06</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Investigating the Role of Athlete Parents in the Mental and Social Health of Children</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>مطالعۀ نقش والدین ورزشکار در سلامت روانی و اجتماعی فرزندان</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>165</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>188</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">108055</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22059/jisr.2025.397098.1630</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>سیدپویا</FirstName>
					<LastName>رسولی نژاد</LastName>
<Affiliation>دانشکدۀ علوم اجتماعی، گروه علوم اجتماعی اسلامی، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0002-5791-137X</Identifier>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>بنیامین</FirstName>
					<LastName>خضرائی راد</LastName>
<Affiliation>دانشجوی کارشناسی ارشد جامعه‌شناسی ورزش دانشکدۀ علوم ورزشی و تندرستی، گروه رفتار حرکتی و روانشناسی ورزش، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0009-0001-4571-0220</Identifier>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2025</Year>
					<Month>06</Month>
					<Day>10</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Regular sports and physical activity serve as primary pillars for maintaining human physical, mental, and social health (Majlesi et al., 1394). Beyond well-documented physical benefits such as improved cardiovascular function, enhanced immunity, and lower chronic disease risks (Baker &amp; Litz, 2012), sports significantly influence psychological well-being. Psychosocial health, as defined by the World Health Organization, extends beyond the mere absence of illness, encompassing subjective well-being, perceived self-efficacy, autonomy, competence, intergenerational dependence, and self-actualization; however, these dimensions are often neglected by health administrators (Noorbala, 2011). Prior research studies demonstrate that exercise effectively reduces anxiety, stress, and depression while enhancing self-esteem, mood, and happiness (Ashwini &amp; Raju, 2023; Nazarali et al., 2012; Hosseini et al., 2019; Shokoohi Moghaddam et al., 2011). Socially, sports foster identity, promote a collective &quot;we&quot; over &quot;I&quot; (Bailey, 1981), accelerate socialization, and internalize societal values (Parsamehr et al., 2018; Soltanian, 2005; Sedaghatzadegan, 1998; Ahmadi et al., 2006). Within this framework, families, particularly parents, serve as critical vectors for establishing healthy habits. Parents act as primary role models who actively shape children&#039;s beliefs, behaviors, and sports motivation (Ramezaninejad &amp; Hojabri, 2017; Faghih &amp; Abdkhodaei, 2022; Asefi &amp; Nosrati, 2018; Babaei Zarch et al., 2018). Despite extensive literature on sports sociology, few studies have concentrated specifically on the distinct processes through which athlete parents influence their offspring&#039;s psychosocial health. Therefore, this study qualitatively investigates how and through what processes athlete parents maintain and enhance their children&#039;s mental and social health.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Methodology&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This study utilized a qualitative research approach paired with thematic analysis to explore the phenomenon thoroughly. Participants were selected via a purposeful sampling method, comprising 15 adolescents and young adults who had at least one athlete parent. Inclusion criteria required participants to be aged 15–30 with a parent possessing a history of regular or professional athletic activity. Data collection was carried out using semi-structured interviews lasting 30 to 40 minutes per session, which were audio-recorded and transcribed word-for-word. The data were analyzed following Braun and Clarke’s (2006) six-phase thematic analysis framework: familiarization with data, generating initial codes, searching for themes, reviewing themes, defining and naming themes, and producing the final report. Trustworthiness, validity, and data credibility were carefully established employing member checking (participant review) and data triangulation techniques.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Findings&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The qualitative sample included 15 participants (11 males, 4 females) with a mean age of 23.4 years, ranging from 16 to 27. Educationally, 3 held high school diplomas, 9 held bachelor&#039;s degrees, 2 were master&#039;s students, and 1 was a high school student. Ten participants actively engaged in sports professionally or recreationally, while 5 had no fixed sport. Thematic analysis revealed six primary themes representing the influential processes of athlete parents:&lt;br /&gt;1) Parental role modeling: Serving as vital examples in regular sports participation, physical health preservation, and structural personal discipline.&lt;br /&gt;2) Parental encouragement and supportiveness: This encompasses driving motivation, providing robust emotional care, and actively granting autonomy to their children.&lt;br /&gt;3) Teaching life skills: Utilizing athletic backgrounds to instill essential behaviors such as discipline, patience, resilience, and emotional self-regulation.&lt;br /&gt;4) Creating a safe and supportive family environment: Fostering a domestic atmosphere characterized by tranquility, happiness, and open, dialogue-based communication.&lt;br /&gt;5) Positive emotional and social impacts: Generating a deep sense of pride in offspring, cultivating a genuine interest in sports, and expanding social competencies.&lt;br /&gt;6) Parental management and facilitation: Proactively guiding children in managing stress, controlling anger, and strengthening social and personal responsibility.&lt;br /&gt;Furthermore, some specific health outcomes were identified. For social health, key components included social responsibility, teamwork, social networks, constructive interactions, social skills, and active participation, yielding higher competence and belonging. Regarding mental health, components included stress management, psychological resilience, peace of mind, independent personality, self-belief, future hope, patience, perseverance against hardships, structured discipline, flexibility, positive outlook, and genuine pride toward parents.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Conclusion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In conclusion, athlete parents serve as powerful catalysts for their children’s psychosocial well-being by providing positive role models, emotional support, life skills education, and stable family environments. These qualitative insights align closely with prior empirical research. The link between active parents and active, supported children corresponds with Dehghanpouri et al. (2023) and Nezami Narges et al. (2020), alongside Duda&#039;s (1993) model of parents as social examples. The role of parental social support in reducing anxiety and enhancing life satisfaction mirrors Jafari and Rajaei (2019), Aghdasi et al. (2016), Salari and Badami (2014), Sayyah Sayari et al. (2010), and Riahi et al. (2010). Additionally, transmitting life skills and resilience through a sport-centric family structure fits the frameworks of Holt et al. (2011) and Côté and Vierimaa (2014). Fostering a safe, communicative home atmosphere to facilitate stress management and emotional well-being corroborates Belcher et al. (2020), Smith et al. (1995), and Lubans et al. (2016). Lastly, establishing healthy lifestyle patterns protects youth from risk behaviors, matching Kelly et al. (2007) and Trudeau and Shephard (2008). Based on these conclusions, parents should actively leverage their athletic experiences to teach discipline and emotional regulation. Sports and educational policymakers should establish family-centered workshops highlighting the mental values of active households. Finally, future researchers should execute large-scale quantitative studies, longitudinal tracking, and cross-disciplinary comparisons to enhance the generalizability of these qualitative findings.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">پژوهش حاضر با هدف بررسی کیفی نقش والدین ورزشکار در ارتقای سلامت روانی و اجتماعی فرزندان و شناسایی فرایندهای اثرگذار آن انجام شد.&lt;br /&gt;این مطالعه با رویکرد کیفی و روش تحلیل مضمون (براون و کلارک، ۲۰۰۶) انجام گرفت. داده‌ها از طریق مصاحبه‌های نیمه‌ساختاریافته با ۱۵ نوجوان و جوان (۱۶ تا ۲۷ ساله با میانگین سنی ۲۳.۴ سال) که حداقل یکی از والدین آن‌ها ورزشکار منظم یا حرفه‌ای بود، جمع‌آوری شد.&lt;br /&gt;تحلیل داده‌ها منجر به شناسایی شش مضمون اصلی شد: ۱) الگوبودن والدین (در ورزش، سلامت و انضباط)؛ ۲) تشویق و حمایتگری (انگیزش و استقلال‌بخشی)؛ ۳) آموزش مهارت‌های زندگی (صبر، تاب‌آوری و مدیریت هیجان)؛ ۴) ایجاد محیط امن و حمایتی در خانواده؛ ۵) تأثیرات عاطفی و اجتماعی مثبت (حس افتخار و بهبود روابط)؛ و ۶) مدیریت و تسهیل‌گری (کنترل خشم و استرس).&lt;br /&gt;نتایج نشان می‌دهد والدین ورزشکار از طریق این سازوکارها، به‌ویژه با افزایش تاب‌آوری روانی و تقویت مهارت‌های اجتماعی، نقشی کلیدی در ارتقای سلامت روانی و اجتماعی فرزندان ایفا می‌کنند. یافته‌های این پژوهش می‌تواند برای والدین، مربیان و سیاست‌گذاران حوزۀ ورزش و خانواده برای ترویج سبک زندگی فعال راهگشا باشد.</OtherAbstract>
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