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<Journal>
				<PublisherName>انتشارات دانشگاه تهران</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>مطالعات و تحقیقات اجتماعی در ایران</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2588-6355</Issn>
				<Volume>15</Volume>
				<Issue>1</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2026</Year>
					<Month>03</Month>
					<Day>21</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Editor’s Note</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>سخن سردبیر</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage></FirstPage>
			<LastPage></LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">106633</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>غلامرضا</FirstName>
					<LastName>غفاری</LastName>
<Affiliation>سردبیر فصلنامه مطالعات و تحقیقات اجتماعی در ایران</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0002-1224-8009</Identifier>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2026</Year>
					<Month>04</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>Editor’s Note&lt;br /&gt;Vol. 15, No. 1, Spring 2026&lt;br /&gt;The Journal of Social Studies and Research in Iran is dedicated to publishing theoretical-analytical, historical, and empirical contributions on issues and problems pertaining to Iranian society. It is evident that the social issues and topics in Iran constitute a vast, dynamic field with multiple and diverse dimensions. In each issue of the journal, within the limits of the available space and possibilities, a small portion of the scholarly and research efforts of social scientists—after completion of the requisite review processes—is selected for publication and made accessible to those interested in science and research.&lt;br /&gt;The present issue brings together a number of studies, each of which illuminates and represents certain less-explored aspects of social issues and problems, thereby opening up new horizons for understanding Iranian society. Particular attention has been paid to establishing a meaningful linkage between conceptual and theoretical inquiries, on the one hand, and empirical data and field evidence, on the other—a concern that has been central to the work of the researchers and authors contributing to this issue.&lt;br /&gt;Concerns such as the status and position of the social sciences within the landscape of Iranian thought and the strengthening of this scholarly field through the use of multiple methods and interdisciplinary approaches are examined in the articles “Further Notes on the Social Sciences in Iran” and “Biographical Analysis in the Social Sciences.”&lt;br /&gt;The emergence of new subcultures and novel lived experiences, shaped by the expanding role of new technologies and increased presence in virtual spaces—alongside the consolidation of new semantic fields—are explored and analyzed in the articles “Religious Consonance in the Study of the ‘Lat’ Subculture,” “Selective Masculinity in Beauty Centers,” “Parental Supervision of Children’s Media Consumption,” “Virtual Migration Intention,” and “Veiling as a Field of Semantic Contestation.”&lt;br /&gt;The two articles “Privatization as a Regime of Truth” and “The Desirable Rural Local Community” reflect socio-economic crises, policies, and resistances that offer fresh readings and analyses in critique of conventional development policies.&lt;br /&gt;I wish to express my profound gratitude to the esteemed authors who have entrusted this journal with their scholarly writings, which are the outcome of arduous intellectual labor. I am likewise deeply indebted to our distinguished reviewers, whose meticulous and constructive rigor enhances the scientific quality of the articles, as well as to the members of the editorial board. I also extend my sincere thanks to Dr. Parvin Alipour, whose effective efforts and considerable investment of time in managing the affairs of the journal are invaluable.&lt;br /&gt;The enhancement of article quality, the promotion of scholarly dialogue at national and international levels, and the support of problem-oriented research related to Iranian society are among the core principles and aims of this journal. Undoubtedly, along this path, adherence to research ethics, academic integrity, transparency, accuracy in the presentation of data, observance of citation standards, respect for the rights of participants, and avoidance of undue simplification or unscientific sensationalism are matters to which the journal is firmly committed.&lt;br /&gt;It is hoped that the contents of this issue will constitute a constructive and influential step in sustaining social and scholarly dialogue in Iran.&lt;br /&gt;Gholamreza Ghafari&lt;br /&gt;Editor-in-Chief&lt;br /&gt;Spring 2026</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">&lt;strong&gt;سخن سردبیر&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;دوره 15، شماره 1، بهار 1405&lt;br /&gt;تمرکز فصلنامه مطالعات و تحقیقات اجتماعی در ایران معطوف به انتشار دستاوردهای نظری ـ تحلیلی، تاریخی و تجربی در باب موضوعات و مسائل جامعه ایران می­باشد. پر پیدا است که مسائل و موضوعات اجتماعی جامعه ایران عرصه­ ای فراخ، پرتعییر و با سویه­های گوناگون است. تلاش می ­شود در هر شماره فصلنامه بنا به امکان و فضایی که وجود دارد؛ بخش ناچیزی از تلاش ­های علمی و پژوهشی عالمان اجتماعی، پس از انجام فرایندهای لازم، منتهی به انتشار شود و در اختیار دوستداران علم و پژوهش قرار داده شود. در شماره پیش روی حاصل تعدادی از پژوهش‌ها که هر یک ابعادی از موضوعات و مسائل کمترکاوش‌شده را آشکار و بازنمائی کرده ­اند و چشم‌اندازهای تازه‌ای برای فهم جامعه ایران فراهم ساخته ­اند، در معرض دید و نظر اصحاب خرد و نظر قرار داده شده است. اهتمام در باب فراهم ساختن پیوند مناسب بین کنکاش­ های مفهومی و نظری با داده­ ها و شواهد میدانی واقعیتی است که دور از نظر و کار پژوهشگران و نویسندگان مقاله­ های این شماره از فصلنامه نبوده است. دغدغه­ هایی چون توجه به وضعیت و موقعیت علم اجتماعی در سپهر اندیشه ایرانی و تقویت این شاخه علمی با بهره ­گیری از روش­های چندگانه و استفاده از رویکرد بینارشته ­ای در مقاله ­های «اشاراتی دیگر به علوم اجتماعی در ایران» و«تحلیل زندگی‌نامه در علوم اجتماعی» مورد کاوش قرار گرفته است. بروز و ظهور خرده­فرهنگ­های جدید و تجارب زیسته تازه در پرتو سهم و نقش فناوری­ های جدید و حضور بیشتر در فضاهای مجازی که همراه با قوت گرفتن میدان­ های معنایی نوین بوده است در مقاله­ های «همنوایی مذهبی در مطالعه خرده­ فرهنگ لات­ ها»، «مردانگی گزینشی در مراکز زیبایی»، «نظارت والدین بر مصرف رسانه‌ای کودکان»، «تمایل به مهاجرت مجازی» و «حجاب به‌مثابه میدان منازعه معنایی» مورد بازکاوی و تحلیل قرار گرفته است. دو مقاله «خصوصی‌سازی به‌مثابه رژیم حقیقت» و «اجتماع محلی مطلوب روستایی» بازتابی از بحران‌ها، سیاست‌ها و مقاومت‌های اجتماعی ـ اقتصادی هستند که خوانش و تحلیل تازه­ ای را در نقد سیاست­ های مرسوم توسعه فراهم می­کنند.&lt;br /&gt;لازم می‌دانم نهایت سپاس از نویسندگان گرامی را داشته باشم که نوشته­ های عالمانه خود را که حاصل تلاش های سخت و دشوارشان است، در اختیار این فصلنامه قرار داده ­اند. از داوران فرهیخته که با دقت و سخت‌گیری سازنده خود کیفیت علمی مقالات را ارتقاء  می‌دهند و نیز از اعضای هیئت تحریریه کمال قدردانی را دارم. همچنین از تلاش ­های مؤثر سرکار خانم دکتر پروین علی­پور که با صرف وقت بسیار امور مجله را مدیریت می‌کنند، تشکر می ­کنم.&lt;br /&gt;ارتقای کیفیت مقالات، توسعه گفت‌وگوی علمی در سطح ملی و بین‌المللی و حمایت از پژوهش‌های مسئله‌محور مرتبط با جامعه‌ ایرانی از اصول و اهداف فصلنامه می ­باشد. بی­ گمان در این مسیر رعایت اصول اخلاق پژوهش، امانت­داری علمی، شفافیت، دقت در ارائه داده‌ها، رعایت اصول ارجاع‌دهی، احترام به حقوق مشارکت‌کنندگان و پرهیز از ساده‌سازی یا برجسته‌سازی‌های غیر علمی از مواردی هستند که فصلنامه بر آنها ابرام دارد. امید است مطالب این شماره بتواند گامی سازنده و اثرگذار در تداوم گفت‌وگوی اجتماعی و علمی در ایران باشد.&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt;غلامرضا غفاری&lt;br /&gt;سردبیر فصلنامه&lt;br /&gt;بهار 1405</OtherAbstract>
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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>انتشارات دانشگاه تهران</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>مطالعات و تحقیقات اجتماعی در ایران</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2588-6355</Issn>
				<Volume>15</Volume>
				<Issue>1</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2026</Year>
					<Month>03</Month>
					<Day>21</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Alternative Perspectives on Social Sciences in Iran</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>اشاراتی «دیگر» به علوم اجتماعی در ایران</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>1</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>18</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">105549</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22059/jisr.2025.392965.1604</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>حمید رضا</FirstName>
					<LastName>جلایی پور</LastName>
<Affiliation>گروه جامعه شناسی، دانشکده علوم اجتماعی، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران.</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0009-0003-4768-5051</Identifier>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2025</Year>
					<Month>04</Month>
					<Day>06</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;A common assessment in examining the state and quantitative growth of social sciences in Iran posits that, when considering the inherently &quot;self-reliant and self-sufficient nature of the scientific institution,&quot; the expansion of social sciences in Iran is more a state-constructed phenomenon than a scientific one. Social science education largely functions as a process channeling a number of young people into universities to obtain degrees, rather than remaining unemployed. A portion of these graduates are absorbed into the bureaucracy, becoming government employees, while another portion rejoins the ranks of the unemployed. However, these unemployed individuals, now holding university degrees, are often unwilling to engage in manual labor. This paper aims to distance itself from this &quot;pessimistic&quot; assessment without falling into the trap of &quot;whitewashing,&quot; and instead offer a critical defense of the growth of social sciences and empirical knowledge over a ninety-year period. This implies that shortcomings will not be concealed. The focus here is on explaining this ninety-year span, particularly the last forty-five years of sociology&#039;s history in Iran. Prior to the establishment of the Higher Teacher Training College and the University of Tehran (1934), there existed attention and reflection (though not scientific study) on social life in Iran, predominantly documented in the literary and philosophical works of Iran&#039;s eminent figures. For instance, it is said that Professor Gholamhossein Sedighi taught a course titled &quot;Social Issues in Persian Literature&quot; in the Faculty of Social Sciences, presenting noteworthy material on these reflections. However, from 1935 onwards, both instruction based on scientific-empirical study of social realities and scientific research commenced. Therefore, this paper concentrates on the social sciences of Iran&#039;s modern era, not the ancient period.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Method&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The present study is a descriptive, exploratory inquiry. Based on the author&#039;s experiences—six years of undergraduate and graduate study in sociology and nearly three decades of teaching courses on social change and political sociology in the Faculty of Social Sciences—it seeks to develop a profound understanding of the issue of social sciences in Iran. This article does not claim to present a methodical, scientific research project; rather, it offers an evaluation based on the author&#039;s experiences, which may prove useful for more systematic research.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Findings&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Focusing on social sciences at the University of Tehran, this study deems attention to ten key spheres essential for a comprehensive examination of this field in Iran: 1) Social science education at the Islamic Azad University, 2) The performance of social science departments in other major universities nationwide, 3) Research conducted by institutes under the supervision of the Ministry of Science, 4) The record of the University of Tehran&#039;s Institute for Social Research (1958-1972), 5) The role of the Iranian Sociological Association, 6) The content of scientific and promotional journals and books, 7) Social science productions in the virtual space, 8) The works of Iranian scholars abroad, 9) The permeation of social science concepts into public discourse, and 10) The role of six influential figures (Sedighi, Naraqi, Arianpour, Shariati, Tavassoli, and Ghaeni-Rad). In content evaluation, employing Burawoy&#039;s model, four types of sociology are analyzed: Academic sociology, despite facing obstacles such as faculty vetting, self-censorship, and political pressures, has sustained itself through a relative freedom in selecting research topics and the continuity of intellectual circles. Policy sociology has been extensive in the form of empirical studies and surveys by state institutions (e.g., national surveys on values and social capital). Critical sociology has emerged in five main currents: Marxist, Revolutionary Islam (Shariati), Reformist (influenced by Soroush, Bashiriyeh, etc.), the Discourse of Resistance (state-affiliated), and the Discourse of Consensus (emphasizing gradual change and justice), in addition to a feminist critical perspective characterized by discursive plurality and new activism. Finally, public sociology, emphasizing public participation, attention to tangible issues, and connection with civil institutions, although more recent and facing challenges such as security constraints and lack of support, continues to endure. Overall, social sciences in Iran, despite structural pressures and limitations, have persisted across academic, policy, critical, and public spheres, maintaining their influence on the public domain.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Conclusion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Over ninety years, social sciences in Iran have experienced significant quantitative growth in the number of faculty, students, and publications. This growth has provided the necessary groundwork for qualitative enhancement. The most important achievements include: the expansion of academic institutions, increased public &quot;social literacy,&quot; the permeation of concepts such as civil society and citizenship rights into public discourse, and the development of qualitative and mixed research methods alongside quantitative ones. Furthermore, secular and critical social sciences have persisted despite political pressures and the official discourse of religious social sciences, playing a significant role in shifting the paradigm of social change from a revolutionary model towards gradual and peaceful reform. However, numerous structural challenges persist: constraints on researching sensitive topics, theoretical fragmentation, weakness in securing research funding, limited access to data, and the emigration of elites. The future of the discipline depends on its ability to integrate global theories with Iran&#039;s local conditions, preserve its critical autonomy, and focus on addressing tangible and emerging societal issues (such as cyberspace, the environment, and youth protests). The path of Iranian social sciences, albeit fraught with challenges, has been fruitful and possesses an undeniable capacity for understanding and improving society.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">قصد نگارنده در این نوشته این است که در توضیح وضعیت آموزش علوم اجتماعی از ارزیابی «سیاه‌نمایانه» فاصله بگیرد و بدون افتادن در ورطه «سفیدنمایی» از رشد علوم اجتماعی به­عنوان دانشی تجربی در یک بازه نودساله دفاع کند، البته دفاعی انتقادی. بدین معنا که معایب کار کتمان نمی­شود.&lt;br /&gt;بازه زمانی این بررسی دوره­ای نود ساله است. تأسیس دانشگاه تهران و شروع تدریس درس جامعه شناسی، ابتدای این دوره است و انتهای آن سال ١۴٠٣ است که در این دوران در سراسر کشور دانشکده­های علوم اجتماعی رشد کمّی کرده است و گروه‌های علوم اجتماعی در دانشگاه‌های کشور مشغول آموزش این دروس هستند. این مطالعه «اکتشافی» است و براساس تجربیات نگارنده (شش سال تحصیل در مقطع لیسانس و فوق لیسانس و نزدیک سه دهه تدریس) در دانشکده علوم اجتماعی، تنظیم شده است.&lt;br /&gt;یافته­ها در دو بخش: 1) فضاهای مرتبط با علوم اجتماعی ایران و 2) ارزیابی محتوای علوم اجتماعی ایران (با اقتباس از تقسیم­بندی بوراووی) ارائه شده است. علوم اجتماعی در ایران در دو محور اساسی رشد داشته است: رشد نهادهای آکادمیک و گسترش دانش جامعه‌شناسی. آنچه بایسته توجه است این است که جامعه‌شناسی ایران نیازمند تلفیق نظریه‌های جهانی با مفاهیم فرهنگی-تاریخی خاص ایران است. تحولات جدید (مسائلی مانند فضای مجازی، تنوع سبک‌های زندگی، اعتراض جوانان، و تحولات محیط زیستی) نیازمند توجه بیشتر است.&lt;br /&gt;در مجموع، مسیر نودساله جامعه‌شناسی ایران پرچالش، اما پربار بوده است. اگرچه هنوز با موانع ساختاری روبه‌روست، اما ظرفیت آن برای درک و بهبود جامعه انکارناپذیر است. آینده این رشته به توانایی آن در حفظ استقلال انتقادی، آموزش بهتر این رشته، عبور از تقلید صرف و مشارکت در حل مسائل ملموس جامعه بستگی دارد. </OtherAbstract>
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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>انتشارات دانشگاه تهران</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>مطالعات و تحقیقات اجتماعی در ایران</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2588-6355</Issn>
				<Volume>15</Volume>
				<Issue>1</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2026</Year>
					<Month>03</Month>
					<Day>21</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Religious Conformity and Social Nonconformists in Iran: A Study of the Subculture of Lats</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>همنوایی مذهبی ناهمنوایان اجتماعی در ایران: مطالعه خرده فرهنگ لات ها</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>19</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>34</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">105550</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22059/jisr.2025.390633.1587</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>طاهره</FirstName>
					<LastName>عطائی</LastName>
<Affiliation>کارشناس ارشد جامعه‌شناسی (گرایش مطالعات جوانان)، دانشکدۀ علوم اجتماعی، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0009-0007-8015-1456</Identifier>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>سیدضیاء</FirstName>
					<LastName>هاشمی</LastName>
<Affiliation>گروه جامعه شناسی دانشکده علوم اجتماعی دانشگاه تهران، تهران. ایران</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0002-7787-6006</Identifier>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2025</Year>
					<Month>02</Month>
					<Day>16</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Pluralistic cultural patterns within any society invariably create conditions that, on the surface, distinguish certain individuals from others. In the context of collective life, it must be considered that just as every society possesses specific values and norms, certain groups also maintain accepted standards that they impose upon their members, thereby giving rise to variable cultural patterns. Since these cultures exist within the broader, distinct framework of the general society, they are identified as &quot;subcultures.&quot;&lt;br /&gt;These marginal cultures may align with the mainstream culture or, conversely, stand in opposition to it, to the extent that they may even be labeled as &quot;deviant subcultures&quot;—groups that disrupt the conventional social order by promoting a particular lifestyle. Although these individuals appear distinct from the general public, they are, in fact, definable only in relation to that very society. Through subtle commonalities with the dominant culture, they maintain a link and interaction with mainstream life. This &quot;conformity within non-conformity&quot; can manifest in various forms, each of which, however minute, prevents the total isolation of these groups from the broader public.&lt;br /&gt;Focusing on a specific subcultural group that has emerged from the heart of conventional society yet ostensibly falls into the category of social non-conformists, the present study seeks to identify moments where, despite their non-conformity, they achieve a sense of alignment. The &quot;&lt;em&gt;Lats&lt;/em&gt;&quot;, who have had a significant presence in Iran’s social history, are the subject of this research. There are moments when this non-conformist group aligns with the desirable values of conventional culture and engages in rituals accepted by society. This very phenomenon constitutes the primary question of this research: How do social non-conformists exhibit conformist behavior during specific moments, which at times coincide with religious occasions?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt; &lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Method&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In the present study, Mayring’s qualitative content analysis was adopted to guide the research process. Data collection was conducted through observational techniques, semi-structured in-depth interviews with 11 &quot;Lats&quot; and their close associates, and a content analysis of 15 highest follower counts Instagram profiles belonging to prominent figures within this subculture.&lt;br /&gt;Due to the challenges of accessing this specific population, purposive sampling methods—specifically snowball sampling and convenience sampling—were employed. Access to the subjects and the achievement of an optimal sample size were facilitated through intermediary links, including previous researchers, social media platforms, and, most crucially, the elders (influential figures) of these groups.&lt;br /&gt;Furthermore, for the digital content analysis component, the Instagram pages of 15 individuals with the highest follower counts were selected and examined. The follower bases of these accounts range from 100,000 to 5 million, with the established dates of these profiles spanning from 2014 to 2019.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt; &lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Findings&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This subcultural group emerges from within the broader society; consequently, its cultural beliefs are traceable to the society&#039;s fundamental cultural roots. However, in adopting these cultural beliefs, it appears that certain transformations occur. This group maintains its own distinct value system, even if its origins align with the overarching value system of society. Precisely for this reason, individuals from different religious backgrounds who join this group adopt its specific beliefs and rituals. An illustrative case is a Sunni member of the &lt;em&gt;Lat&lt;/em&gt; subculture who, by his own account, practiced &lt;em&gt;Qama-zani&lt;/em&gt; (self-flagellation with a blade) for several years out of devotion to Imam Hussain. Consequently, we observe a form of &quot;micro-religious conformity&quot; among members of this group. Yet, the question remains: which version of religion? It appears that the &lt;em&gt;Lat&lt;/em&gt; subculture approaches religion through its own unique lens, engaging in a process of selection. Religion manifests as a specific form of Shiite rituals and beliefs, glazed with the principles of chivalry and &lt;em&gt;Looti-gari&lt;/em&gt; (traditional gallantry), particularly during specific periods of the year such as the months of Muharram and Safar.&lt;br /&gt;This specific form of &quot;selective religiosity&quot; encountered among the &lt;em&gt;Lats&lt;/em&gt; establishes a degree of normative and evaluative linkage between them and conventional society. In the case of this subcultural group, while a bond between the individual and society may be maintained, non-conformist behavior does not necessarily cease. In fact, although we witness conformity and social bonding, this conformity occurs simultaneously with non-conformity.&lt;br /&gt;This situation can be explained by the shift in the position of religious matters among the &lt;em&gt;Lats&lt;/em&gt; due to two functional dimensions; whereby the sacred and purely cultural aspects of religion are superseded by its functional utility. It appears that religious rituals have been transformed into an arena for the manifestation of &lt;em&gt;Lat&lt;/em&gt; subcultural behaviors. These rituals, which find their social expression primarily in &lt;em&gt;Heiats&lt;/em&gt; (religious organizations) and mourning processions, serve first as a &quot;hangout&quot; (&lt;em&gt;Patogh&lt;/em&gt;) for members to congregate. Secondly, they play a crucial role in determining the hierarchical status within the group. For instance, the &lt;em&gt;Gonde-lats&lt;/em&gt; (top-tier toughs) demonstrate their prominence and maintain their leadership status by organizing and leading these processions and religious circles.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt; &lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Conclusion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Broadly speaking, the mechanism of this conformity is such that, on the surface, conformist religious behavior is observed. However, what transpires beneath the surface is a functional dimension that has become increasingly prominent among the &lt;em&gt;Lats&lt;/em&gt;. In effect, religion is transformed into a conventional &quot;playing field&quot; utilized for unconventional objectives. The fundamental point is that this micro-conformity, which facilitates a bond between the subcultural group and the core of society, does not necessarily terminate non-conformist behavior. For various reasons, while the outward manifestation remains conformist, non-conformist behaviors are increasingly exhibited in a more overt manner behind the scenes. This phenomenon represents the precise moment of &quot;conformity within non-conformity.&quot;</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">پژوهش پیش رو با تاکید بر یکی از گروه‌های خرده‌فرهنگی که هرچند از دل فرهنگ عرفی جامعه بیرون آمده‌‌‌اند اما به ظاهر، در دسته ناهمنوایان اجتماعی قرار می‌گیرند به دنبال لحظاتی است که در عین ناهمنوا بودنشان، همنوایی پیدا می‌کنند. لات‌ها که در تاریخ اجتماعی ایران حضور اثرگذاری داشته‌اند در این پژوهش مورد مطالعه قرار گرفتند. لحظاتی وجود دارد که همین گروه ناهمنوا با ارزش‌های مطلوب فرهنگ عرفی همنوایی پیدا می‌کند و درگیر مناسکی می‌شود که مورد پذیرش جامعه است. و همین وضعیت پرسش اصلی این پژوهش را شکل داده است. این‌که چگونه ناهمنوایان اجتماعی در لحظاتی خاص که گاهی مقارن با ایام مذهبی است از خود رفتار همنوایانه بروز می‌دهند؟&lt;br /&gt;پژوهش در راستای تحقق اهداف خود، با بهره‌گیری از روش تحلیل محتوای مایرینگ، به انجام مصاحبه نیمه‌ساختار یافته و همچنین تحلیل محتوای صفحه‌های اینستاگرامی پرداخته ‌است.&lt;br /&gt;نتیجه‌گیری: به نظر می‌رسد که لات‌ها هرچند به واسطه عوامل مختلفی به دنبال متمایز ساختن خود از جامعه هستند اما گاهی مشاهده می‌شود که با انجام رفتارهای همنوایانه برای خود پایگاه اجتماعی در میان جامعه عرفی پیدا کرده‌اند. که یکی از این بروزهای همنوایی به مذهب باز می‌گردد. که به صورت گزینشی به سراغ آن رفته و بروز اجتماعی آن یعنی حضور در هیئت، با عواملی چون پاتوق بودن هیئت و نمایش و تثبیت جایگاه آن‌ها، گره خورده است.</OtherAbstract>
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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>انتشارات دانشگاه تهران</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>مطالعات و تحقیقات اجتماعی در ایران</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2588-6355</Issn>
				<Volume>15</Volume>
				<Issue>1</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2026</Year>
					<Month>03</Month>
					<Day>21</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Selective Masculinity as an Emerging Phenomenon in Iran: A Study of Beauty Centers in Arak County</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>مردانگی گزینشی به‌مثابۀ پدیده‌ای نوظهور در ایران: مطالعه‌ای در مراکز زیبایی شهرستان اراک</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>35</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>50</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">106452</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22059/jisr.2025.406466.1687</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>سید محمد</FirstName>
					<LastName>الحسینی</LastName>
<Affiliation>دکتری جامعه‌شناسی، پژوهشگر اجتماعی، دانشگاه فرهنگیان، تهران، ایران</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0002-0588-3274</Identifier>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>محمد رضا</FirstName>
					<LastName>انصاری</LastName>
<Affiliation>دکتری جامعه‌شناسی، پژوهشگر اجتماعی، تهران، ایران.</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2025</Year>
					<Month>11</Month>
					<Day>18</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This qualitative study investigates the emerging phenomenon of Iranian men&#039;s increasing use of beauty centers, framing it as a significant site for renegotiating masculine identity within a society in transition. Situated at the intersection of entrenched traditional values and pervasive modern, consumer-oriented influences, men&#039;s aesthetic practices are analyzed not as mere vanity but as complex acts of &quot;identity bargaining.&quot; The research is prompted by observable trends, including global statistical increases in male cosmetic procedures and local evidence of rising demand in Iranian cities like Arak. It seeks to move beyond superficial consumption narratives to ask fundamental questions: How do men construct meaning around these beauty practices? What identity tensions arise between traditional masculine norms—which often prize indifference to appearance—and modern imperatives that treat attractiveness as a form of social and professional capital? The study positions itself within broader theoretical frameworks of the sociology of the body, gender studies (drawing on Connell&#039;s theories of masculinity), and consumer culture, while aiming to fill a gap in localized, non-Western analyses of male beauty and identity.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Method&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The research adopts a qualitative, exploratory design grounded in the Classic Glaserian version of Grounded Theory. This methodology is chosen for its strength in generating theory directly from field data, allowing for the discovery of processes and meanings as constructed by the actors themselves. The study population consisted of men over 18 who had visited beauty centers in Arak at least once between 2021 and 2023. Data was collected through a triangulation of methods: in-depth, semi-structured interviews with 28 male clients, non-participant field observations within the centers, and content analysis of promotional materials (e.g., Instagram posts, brochures). Purposive sampling initiated the process, followed by theoretical sampling until theoretical saturation was achieved. The data analysis rigorously followed the three-stage coding process intrinsic to Grounded Theory: open coding to generate initial concepts, axial coding to organize these concepts into broader categories and subcategories, and selective coding to integrate everything around a central, core category.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Findings&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The core category that emerged from the analysis is &quot;Selective Masculinity&quot; . This concept captures the dynamic and strategic process through which men navigate the conflicting demands of traditional and modern masculine ideals. The findings are organized around several pivotal themes that illustrate this negotiation:&lt;br /&gt;Diverse and Strategic Motivations: Men&#039;s reasons for visiting beauty centers were multifaceted. A primary motivation was the pursuit of social and professional capital, where an improved appearance was linked to career advancement and social credibility. Younger participants were heavily influenced by digital media standards, emulating idealized male looks from Instagram and celebrity culture. Another significant, and strategically crucial, motivation was the framing of beauty as health and self-care. Procedures like laser hair removal or skin treatments were justified not as &quot;cosmetic&quot; but as matters of hygiene, skincare, or preventative health, a strategy termed the &quot;medicalization of beauty.&quot;&lt;br /&gt;Navigating Identity Tension and Stigma: A central challenge for participants was managing the social stigma and fear of feminization. Many reported anxiety about being labelled &quot;less of a man&quot; for engaging in traditionally feminine-coded practices. To mitigate this, they employed deliberate discursive strategies. Beyond medicalization, they engaged in &quot;blending traditional-modern traits,&quot; consciously combining modern attention to appearance with traditional markers of masculinity like being a financial provider or rational decision-maker. This created a &quot;layered masculinity&quot; that was more socially acceptable in the Iranian context.&lt;br /&gt;The Influential Role of Class and Digital Media: The study highlighted how socio-economic class shaped this negotiation. Affluent men used access to luxury, advanced procedures (e.g., HIFU, hair transplants) as a marker of symbolic distinction and social status. In contrast, men with lower incomes were often limited to basic services, which they framed as a necessary &quot;investment&quot; for future mobility. Simultaneously, digital media, particularly Instagram, played a key role in normalizing male beauty consumption. Advertisements strategically portrayed aesthetic procedures as part of the identity of the &quot;successful urban man,&quot; the &quot;athlete,&quot; or the &quot;family-oriented man,&quot; using slogans like &quot;Be modern, remain a man!&quot; to reduce cognitive dissonance.&lt;br /&gt;The Paradigm Model: The research culminated in a paradigm model that visually maps the process of Selective Masculinity. Causal conditions (media pressures, job market expectations, health discourses) create a structural contradiction. This leads to the core phenomenon of men experiencing tension between social acceptance and preserving traditional gender identity. In response, men adopt strategies/actions (medicalization, concealment, blending traits). The consequences of these actions are the redefinition of masculinity as a dynamic identity, a gradual reduction in social stigma, and an increased rate of men visiting beauty centers. The model emphasizes that social class acts as a significant contextual and moderating variable throughout this entire process.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Conclusion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt; The discussion synthesizes these findings, arguing that men&#039;s engagement with beauty centers in Iran represents a profound, agentive process of &quot;identity bargaining&quot; rather than passive conformity or simple rebellion. The concept of Selective Masculinity aligns with but also extends Connell&#039;s theory of multiple masculinities by highlighting the active, strategic selection and fusion of identity elements from competing discourses. The strategic &quot;medicalization of beauty&quot; finds resonance in global trends where men legitimize aesthetic work through health frameworks, as noted in international systematic reviews (Morison &amp; Whitehead, 2021). Similarly, the class-based consumption patterns echo studies from other developing contexts, where global beauty culture interacts with local social hierarchies (Elias &amp; Gill, 2020).The study concludes that the male body in contemporary Iran has become a &quot;field of negotiation.&quot; Here, bodily capital is sought to enhance social and professional standing, but its acquisition must be carefully managed to avoid devaluing traditional gender capital. The research provides a novel understanding of masculine transformation in transitional societies, moving beyond a simple East-West or tradition-modernity binary. It reveals the sophisticated adaptive mechanisms men employ to reconcile contradictory expectations.The practical implications are significant. The findings call for a rethinking of cultural policy discourses to better reflect the evolving realities of male identity and consumption. Furthermore, they highlight the necessity for the beauty industry itself to redesign its services and marketing to sensitively address the specific needs, motivations, and challenges faced by its growing male clientele, particularly within culturally specific contexts like Iran. Ultimately, this study contributes a nuanced, empirically grounded perspective to the global conversation on the changing landscapes of masculinity in the 21st century.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">در بافت درحال‌گذار ایران از ارزش‌های سنتی به مدرن، مراجعۀ فزایندۀ مردان به مراکز زیبایی، به‌مثابۀ پدیده‌ای نوظهور، پرسش‌هایی اساسی دربارۀ بازتعریف هویت مردانه و تعامل آن با فرهنگ مصرف‌گرایی معاصر برمی‌انگیزد. این پژوهش با هدف واکاوی معناسازی مردان از اقدامات زیبایی‌شناختی و تحلیل تنش‌های هویتی مرتبط با آن انجام گرفته است.&lt;br /&gt;این مطالعۀ کیفی با اتکا به روش نظریۀ زمینه‌ای انجام پذیرفت. داده‌ها از طریق مصاحبه‌های نیمه‌ساختاریافته با ۲۸ مرد مراجعه‌کننده به مراکز زیبایی در شهر اراک، مشاهدۀ میدانی و تحلیل محتوای مواد ترویجی این مراکز گردآوری شد. تحلیل داده‌ها در سه مرحلۀ کدگذاری باز، محوری و انتخابی صورت گرفت.&lt;br /&gt;مقولۀ هسته‌ای این پژوهش «مردانگی چانه‌زنی‌شده» است که فرایند پویای تعادل‌جویی مردان را بین هنجارهای سنتی مردانگی (مانند بی‌اعتنایی به ظاهر) و الزامات مدرن (مانند تلقی جذابیت به‌مثابۀ سرمایۀ اجتماعی) نشان می‌دهد. یافته‌ها حاکی از آن است که مردان برای کاهش انگ اجتماعی مرتبط با «زنانه‌پنداری» اقدامات خود، از راهبردهایی مانند «پزشکی‌سازی زیبایی» (توجیه اقدامات تحت عنوان سلامت یا درمان) و «ترکیب ویژگی‌های سنتی و مدرن» بهره می‌برند. در این مطالعه همچنین نقش رسانه‌های دیجیتال در عادی‌سازی استانداردهای زیبایی مردانه و نیز تفاوت‌های طبقاتی در دسترسی به خدمات لوکس، به‌عنوان عوامل کلیدی تأثیرگذار بر این فرایند شناسایی شدند.&lt;br /&gt;این مطالعه با آشکارسازی تناقض‌ها و سازوکارهای تطبیقی که مردان در مواجهه با انتظارات متضاد به‌کار می‌گیرند، درکی نو از تحول مردانگی در جوامع درحال‌گذار ارائه می‌دهد. یافته‌ها بر ضرورت بازاندیشی در گفتمان‌های سیاست‌گذاری فرهنگی و همچنین طراحی خدمات زیبایی مبتنی بر نیازها و چالش‌های ویژۀ مردان تأکید می‌کنند.</OtherAbstract>
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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>انتشارات دانشگاه تهران</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>مطالعات و تحقیقات اجتماعی در ایران</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2588-6355</Issn>
				<Volume>15</Volume>
				<Issue>1</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2025</Year>
					<Month>12</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Privatization as a Regime of Truth: An Interpretation of the Iranian Experience after the 1979 Revolution</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>خصوصی‌سازی به‌مثابه رژیم حقیقت: تفسیری از تجربۀ ایران پس از انقلاب 1357</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>51</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>71</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">105399</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22059/jisr.2025.391038.1596</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>تقی</FirstName>
					<LastName>آزاد ارمکی</LastName>
<Affiliation>گروه جامعه‌شناسی، دانشکدۀ علوم اجتماعی، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران.</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>جلیل</FirstName>
					<LastName>کریمی</LastName>
<Affiliation>گروه جامعه‌شناسی، دانشکدۀ علوم اجتماعی، دانشگاه رازی، کرمانشاه، ایران</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0003-0669-4261</Identifier>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>امید</FirstName>
					<LastName>منصوری</LastName>
<Affiliation>دانشجوی دکتری جامعه شناسی، گروه جامعه‌شناسی، دانشکدۀ علوم اجتماعی، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0003-1844-119X</Identifier>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2025</Year>
					<Month>03</Month>
					<Day>02</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In the post-Iran-Iraq War era, one of the most recurrent and contentious concepts has been &quot;privatization.&quot; How such a term has gained its current prominence and expanded or contracted its conceptual boundaries in recent decades requires a historical-conceptual inquiry. This elevation has formed a discursive framework with extensive consequences not only in the economic-political sphere but also in other spheres of Iranian social life. However, taking it for granted and the mechanisms supporting this naturalization have concealed these consequences. Notably, neither in pre-revolution development policymaking nor during the war did this concept circulate so pervasively. In contrast, it has been constantly repeated and naturalized in the post-war period (1368/1989). This article asks: How has this naturalization or taken-for-grantedness occurred? How has the private sphere or privatization swollen from a specific term to a point where a clear interpretation has been impossible for over three decades? Can it be considered the core concept of a self-referential regime of truth that has transcended the economic-political sphere? If so, how?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Method&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The article&#039;s conceptual model rests on three pillars. First, the concept of &quot;semi-colonial science/knowledge&quot; (based on the critique of scientific imperialism by McLeod and Sagasti), analyzed as the context and vehicle for transferring concepts like privatization to Iran. Second, the &quot;spatial history&quot; approach (derived from a critical reading of Foucault), which enables studying phenomena through the simultaneous articulation of temporal (historical) and spatial (geopolitical, social) dimensions, exploring the intersection of the global (neoliberalism) with Iran&#039;s specific conditions. Third, the negative formulation of Critical Theory (referencing Adorno), which posits the primary task as questioning dominant and naturalized &quot;regimes of truth.&quot; This combined framework allows the article to examine &quot;privatization&quot; in post-revolutionary Iran not as a merely formal, abstract category but as a &quot;historical&quot; concept (in the Koselleckian sense). It is rooted in specific political-economic transformations and discourses, constructed and stabilized within a network of power relations (scientific, economic, political). Methodologically, it adopts a systemic methodological approach and a genealogical-archaeological strategy.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Findings&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The analysis, based on statistical data and policy documents, shows that the transition from revolutionary Islamism to Islamic free-market ideology was not an abstract discursive shift. It occurred tangibly and interconnectedly across four key levels:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Transformation of Ownership and State Control: Initial data shows that immediately after the revolution, a strategy of &quot;socialization&quot; was implemented through confiscating assets tied to the former regime (e.g., the Pahlavi Foundation, 51 major bourgeois families) and transferring them to new revolutionary institutions (the Mostazafan Foundation, Jihad-e Sazandegi, etc.). By 1982, over 20% of active workshops were under the management of the Mostazafan Foundation. This trend reversed from the 1990s with the discourse of &quot;reducing state control&quot; in the first to third development plans. Statistics from the Privatization Organization indicate peak activities in 2009, 2013, and 2020 (collectively 70% of total transfers), often coinciding with state budget deficits. For instance, transfers in 2020 generated about 40,000 billion tomans in state revenue, turning privatization into a revenue-generating tool to offset budget shortfalls;&lt;br /&gt;Shift in Public and Social Expenditures: Data indicates a turn from biopolitics (public welfare policies) toward a market-based political economy. The share of public education expenditure fell from 17% in 1991 to 10% in 2019. Simultaneously, the education system privatized; reports suggest that before 2023, about 55% of Sharif University entrants came from the wealthiest income decile. In healthcare, the share of direct household expenses rose from 53% in 2013 to around 60% including private insurance. This &quot;commodification of health&quot; has led to the exclusion of vulnerable groups like low-income elderly;&lt;br /&gt;Discursive Reconstruction and Legitimation: These changes were not merely economic but were legitimized through a new discursive &quot;regime of truth.&quot; A new binary of &quot;state (negative) versus private (positive)&quot; replaced the tripartite division in Article 44 of the Constitution (state, cooperative, private). Foundational documents like the &quot;Second Phase of the Revolution Statement&quot; (2018) institutionalized this logic within Islamic political theology. Concepts like Jihad (struggle), &quot;resistance economy,&quot; and &quot;popularizing the economy&quot; are emptied of prior meanings and filled with new signifiers like &quot;transfer to the private sector,&quot; &quot;productivization of state assets,&quot; and &quot;non-intervention of the state.&quot; Thus, privatization is elevated from an economic tactic to a &quot;religious and jihadi obligation&quot;;&lt;br /&gt;Institutionalization and Continuity: This discourse is embodied in laws and institutions. The establishment of the Privatization Organization (2001) and the Productivization Council (2022) demonstrates its institutionalization. Even in official dynamic models (e.g., Public Sector Studies Office reports), key variables are &quot;quality of privatization&quot; and &quot;revenue from transfers,&quot; confirming the inherent and ideological primacy of privatization logic.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Conclusion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The reinterpretation of the past, with the advent of free-market power technology, inevitably elevated privatization from the status of one technique among many within that technology to the level of a veritable regime of truth. The emergence of conceptual binaries such as the public-private dichotomy, predicated on this reinterpretation, served to legitimize it. The vehicle for institutionalizing this new technology of power was a semi-colonial science or knowledge regime, which, through educational and research institutions, achieved hegemony over and captured Iran&#039;s development policy space—a dominance sourced from its prevalence in developed and developing countries, their academic institutions, and global organizations. Iran&#039;s crises in international relations and the heightened role of an Islamic political theology based on the necessity of a jihadi orientation and an inward turn of the economy—coupled with the diminished horizon of economic globalization as the ultimate aim of the prevailing power technology—did not weaken the dominion of this regime of truth. On the contrary, by absorbing the significations of its equivalent concepts, namely popularization (Mardomi-sazi), resistance, and economic/managerial jihad, it even contributed to its reinforcement. Ultimately, the hegemony of this regime of truth has had broader social consequences, which manifest in their own significance and corporeality within resistances, social movements, and even teachings opposed to desire within the Greater Jihad (Jihad-e Akbar).</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">این پژوهش به خصوصی‌سازی به‌مثابۀ نوعی رژیم حقیقت در ایران پس از جنگ می‌پردازد. اینکه از چه لحظه‌ای به بعد، این مفهوم اهمیت محوری پیدا کرد، از سطح نوعی راهبرد اقتصادی، به رژیم حقیقت ارتقا یافت و به منظومه‌ای از مفاهیم و مقوله‌های حول خود مشروعیت بخشید.&lt;br /&gt;برای بررسی این موضوع تاریخی، از رویکرد منظومه و روش دیرینه-تبارشناسانه و به‌لحاظ نظری از نظریۀ تاریخ مفهومی کوزلک و نیز ایدۀ تاریخ فضایی اِلدن بهره گرفته شد. پرسش اصلی مقاله این است که رژیم حقیقت مذکور چگونه ممکن شده و تکوین یافته است. مطالعه به‌لحاظ زمانی بر ایران پس از انقلاب 1357 متمرکز است.&lt;br /&gt;مطابق نتایج، تفسیر از گذشته با ورود فناوری قدرت بازار آزاد، لاجرم خصوصی‌سازی را از مقام یکی از تکنیک‌های فناوری، به سطح نوعی رژیم حقیقت ارتقا داد و ظهور دوگانه‌هایی مفهومی مانند امر دولتی-خصوصی از قبل این تفسیر، آن را مشروعیت بخشید. میانجی نهادینه‌شدن این فناوری جدید قدرت، علم یا رژیم دانش نیمه‌استعماری بود که در قالب نهادهای آموزشی و پژوهشی بر فضای سیاست‌گذاری توسعه در ایران سیطره یافت و آن را تسخیر کرد. منبع این سیطره رواج آن در کشورهای توسعه‌یافته و درحال‌توسعه و نهادهای آموزشی و پژوهشی آن‌ها و سازمان‌های جهانی بود. بحران‌های روابط بین‌الملل ایران و پررنگ‌شدن نقش الهیات سیاسی اسلامی مبتنی بر ضرورت جهادگرایی و درونی‌کردن اقتصاد و کم‌رنگ‌شدن افق جهانی‌شدن اقتصاد به‌عنوان غایت فناوری قدرت حاکم، سلطۀ این رژیم حقیقت را نه‌فقط تضعیف نکرد، بلکه با جذب‌شدن دلالت‌های مفاهیم هم‌ارز آن، یعنی مردمی‌سازی، مقاومت و جهاد اقتصادی یا مدیریتی، به تقویت آن کمک هم کرد. درنهایت آنکه سیطرۀ این رژیم حقیقت، پیامدهای گسترده‌تری در حوزۀ اجتماعی داشته است که در اهمیت &lt;em&gt;خود&lt;/em&gt; و تنانگی در مقاومت‌ها، جنبش‌ها و حتی آموزه‌های ضد میل جهاد اکبر نیز تجلی می‌یابد.</OtherAbstract>
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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>انتشارات دانشگاه تهران</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>مطالعات و تحقیقات اجتماعی در ایران</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2588-6355</Issn>
				<Volume>15</Volume>
				<Issue>1</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2026</Year>
					<Month>03</Month>
					<Day>21</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Biographical Analysis in the Social Sciences</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>تحلیل زندگی‌نامه در علوم اجتماعی </VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>73</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>94</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">105398</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22059/jisr.2025.391126.1591</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>رضا</FirstName>
					<LastName>کلاهی</LastName>
<Affiliation>گروه علوم اجتماعی، مؤسسۀ مطالعات فرهنگی و اجتماعی، تهران، ایران</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0002-5713-737X</Identifier>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2025</Year>
					<Month>02</Month>
					<Day>25</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Issues related to age and generation have been problematic controversary in Iran in recent decades. Until recently, there was talk of a youth population boom. Today, there is talk of an aging crisis. In recent years, the term “generational gap” has become increasingly common among analysts and sociologists, and more recently, the names of “alpha” and “beta” generations have also been heard. However, concepts related to this field, such as adolescence, youth, generation, new generation, adulthood, old age, etc., are conceptually vague and imprecise. Issues related to the life cycle, age stage, and generation have been addressed mostly from a psychological perspective, and there are not many sociological analytical frameworks in the field of generational studies in Persian, and the few existing works are outdated.&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Method&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The present article is an attempt to clarify and refine the concepts of the field of generation and life cycle studies. The article is the result of a review of some of the most important works in this field in the past decades, which were selected in a two-stage search: first by searching the most important journals of biographical studies and, in the second stage, by searching the reference lists of the sources obtained from the first stage. The article first discusses the history of the emergence of life-course studies. Then, the paradigmatic principles and main concepts of life-course studies are introduced. After that, the distinction between the effects of age, generation and period on the structure of biography is explained, and finally, the effect of period on biography is specifically examined.&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Findings&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Topics such as biography and life history were for a long time considered to be related to the individual level of personal lives and were not the subject of sociological study. Micro-level topics first entered sociology in American sociology in schools such as Chicago, ethno-methodology and exchange. The next step in the Chicago School was to analyze the micro-level of culture. Then at the school of symbolic interactionism, issues like identity, action, and interaction were the focus of study. After the war, C. Wright Mills, in his book &quot;The Sociological Imagination,&quot; paid attention to biography. In the 1950s, sociology returned to the macro-level. In the 1980s, interest in individual lives and personal experiences was taken more seriously and addressed more widely. Attention to biography and life changes has been aroused in the larger context of the increasing importance of the issue of &quot;social change.&quot; The upheavals of American society from the mid-1960s to the mid-1970s, such as the emergence of the civil rights movement, the anti-Vietnam War protests, and the drastic changes in sexual and gender values, have been one of the factors motivating such studies.&lt;br /&gt;Life-course analysis is based on five assumptions: 1. The principle of lifelong development; meaning that learning does not end in adolescence and continues throughout life. 2. The principle of time-space: meaning that individual lives are influenced by their historical contexts or time-spaces. 3. The principle of timing: meaning that the same events take on different meanings depending on when in the life cycle they occur. 4. The principle of interconnectedness between lives: meaning that lives are lived interdependently and that socio-historical effects emerge through this network of shared relationships. 5. The principle of agency: individuals are not passively affected by structural factors and constraints, but rather make choices and compromises based on the options available to them.&lt;br /&gt;Five main concepts have also been developed in the study of biography and life course: 1- Social pathways: including the paths of education, work, family formation, etc. that individuals and groups follow in society. 2- Trajectories: consist of a sequence of roles and experiences, and are themselves made up of &quot;transitions&quot;. 3- Transition: means a change in social status or role. 4- Duration: the time between two transitions. 5- Turning points: fundamental mental or objective changes in the direction of a person&#039;s life.&lt;br /&gt;In the study of life course developments, three factors must be distinguished: age effect, cohort effect, period effect. Some characteristics of individuals are a consequence of &quot;age&quot;. Individuals at different ages have different traits, feelings, desires, and behaviors. However, the &quot;cohort effect&quot; means age differences that result from being born at different times and having different experiences. The “period effect” affects the structure of the biography itself, beyond the characteristics of individuals. “Period” means the shared social meanings that are spread among everyone in a period of time; or the shared ways of facing social events in a specific period of time.&lt;br /&gt;Period effect on the life cycle transforms the overall meaning of the life cycle. Different periods have been categorized in different ways: separation into traditional, modern and postmodern (or late modernity or fluid modernity); pre-industrial, industrial and post-industrial periodization; pre-capitalist, capitalist and neoliberal periodization; pre-modern, imperialist, empire periodization; separation of traditional, colonial and post-colonial periods are examples of these categories.&lt;br /&gt;In premodern biography, the life cycle consists of clear, distinct stages, in which “rites of passage” at the passage of each stage emphasize the firmness of the boundary between the two stages. The time of each stage is, a priori, the same for everyone and is largely subject to biological changes. Birth, puberty, marriage, and death are the most important of these stages.&lt;br /&gt;The course of life in modern times is not the same for everyone. Life paths are more varied and different. But we can imagine general paths and periods that most modern people are likely to go through: living at home, going to school, achieving financial independence, marriage, having children, and retirement.&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Conclusion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In the more recent era, sometimes called the “neoliberal” era, the biography is even more diverse. According to neoliberal theory, human well-being is best served by liberating individual entrepreneurial skills within the institutional framework of a free market and strong private property rights. But neoliberalism is not just an economic project that leaves no impact on individuals. The “financialisation of everything” requires more than that. The transition from liberalism to neoliberalism coincides with a shift in the logic of establishing forms of selfhood and governance. A shift from a logic built around rights and property to a logic built around risk and security. The decline of collective solidarity and the collapse of political community, atomism, the dominance of narratives of selfhood and choice and individual rationality, achievementism, competitiveness, fluidity, university-centeredness, and now-centeredness are the main features of the neoliberal biography.&lt;br /&gt; </Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">در دهه‌های اخیر، موضوع نسل و مباحث مربوط به تحلیل زندگی‌نامه و دورۀ زندگی در ایران مهم شده است و رخدادهای مختلف به عوامل نسلی نسبت داده می‌شوند، اما تمایزها و دقت‌های نظری لازم در این زمینه وجود ندارد.&lt;br /&gt;مقالۀ حاضر برای روشن‌کردن مفاهیم این حوزه، ابتدا سابقۀ مطالعات زندگی‌نامه را در علوم اجتماعی مرور و سپس اصول پارادایمی و مفاهیم اساسی این حوزه را معرفی می‌کند. سپس اهمیت تفکیک سه عامل «سن»، «نسل» و «زمانه» در مطالعات زندگی‌نامه‌ای طرح می‌شود.&lt;br /&gt;برخی از خصلت‌های افراد، اقتضای سن آن‌ها است که بیولوژی در آن اثر تعیین‌کننده دارد. اما اثر نسل یعنی تفاوت‌های سنی که ناشی از متولدشدن در زمانه‌های مختلف و برخورداری از تجربه‌های متفاوت است و عامل اجتماعی در آن تعیین‌کننده‌تر است. اثر زمانه فراتر از ویژگی‌های افراد، ساختار خود زندگی‌نامه را متأثر می‌سازد. «زمانه» یعنی معناهای اجتماعی مشترکی که در هر دورۀ زمانی میان همگان منتشر است یا شیوه‌های مشترک مواجهه با رخدادهای اجتماعی در یک دورۀ زمانی خاص. ادامۀ مقاله به تحولات زندگی‌نامه در گذار از دوران پیشامدرن به دوران مدرن و سپس به دوران پسامدرن می‌پردازد. دورۀ سوم در رویکردهای نظری مختلف، با نام‌های مختلفی از قبیل پسامدرن، مدرنیتۀ متأخر، مدرنیتۀ سیال و نئولیبرالیسم نامیده شده است.&lt;br /&gt;در انتها با تمرکز بر ویژگی‌های دوران پساکینزی، به شرح و بسط خصلت زندگی‌نامه در دورۀ سوم پرداخته و شرح داده می‌شود که ویژگی‌های دورۀ نئولیبرال شامل ذره‌گرایی، زوال اجتماع سیاسی، غلبۀ روایت موفقیت و رقابت، سیالیت، دانشگاه‌محوری و اکنون‌محوری زندگی‌نامه‌های امروزی را شکل داده است.</OtherAbstract>
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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>انتشارات دانشگاه تهران</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>مطالعات و تحقیقات اجتماعی در ایران</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2588-6355</Issn>
				<Volume>15</Volume>
				<Issue>1</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2026</Year>
					<Month>03</Month>
					<Day>21</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Desirable local community: A Strategy to Resist the Sale of Rural land to Strangers</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>اجتماع محلی مطلوب: راهبرد مقاومت در برابر فروش زمین های روستایی به غریبه ها</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>95</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>113</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">105548</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22059/jisr.2025.397346.1631</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>مهرداد</FirstName>
					<LastName>توکلی راد</LastName>
<Affiliation>گروه علوم اجتماعی، دانشکده حقوق و علوم اجتماعی، دانشگاه پیام نور، تهران، ایران.</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0001-9729-935X</Identifier>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2025</Year>
					<Month>06</Month>
					<Day>16</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The sale of land by villagers has had numerous effects on rural society. One of the most important of these effects is the transformation of the land ownership system in villages and the division of rural lands between indigenous and non-indigenous groups, which has generated many conflicts within rural communities. This is because these groups have different perceptions and goals regarding life in the village. Non-indigenous people often consider the village a place for recreation and leisure, whereas villagers view it as a space for work and livelihood. Therefore, non-native landowners do not pursue the interests and goals of villagers, which sometimes causes rural society to become an arena of confrontation and the emergence of complex conflicts that can severely affect the nature and survival of that society.Serious efforts should be made to preserve and sustain villages as historical heritage sites and important economic resources. To achieve this goal, the most accessible measure is to utilize the capacities and resources available within rural communities. In fact, each local community possesses a unique set of skills and capacities for its own development that can be employed in various ways.Among the numerous villages in the northern provinces, almost all of which have undergone fundamental functional changes due to land sales, the three villages studied have spontaneously resisted the invasion of outsiders seeking to purchase land by strengthening their local community and developing appropriate strategies. In these villages, due to the strong sense of cooperation and belonging among residents, land preservation and the prevention of changes in rural land ownership by non-natives have been controlled to an acceptable level.Accordingly, this study was conducted to examine how these villages have been protected against the seductive pressure of land purchases by outsiders. This objective raises the following questions: Why is the purchase of valuable land by non-natives minimal in these villages? How do villagers manage to preserve their land despite economic limitations and the high monetary value of land? What local capacities have led to land preservation in these villages? What possible consequences does this capacity produce? Overall, this research seeks to provide a successful model for preserving the nature of rural communities and preventing the sale of high-quality rural land.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Method&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In order to achieve the research objectives based on the perspectives of human actors, this study adopted a qualitative approach and employed thematic analysis as the qualitative strategy for data collection and analysis. The research tools included open and semi-structured interviews as well as observation.The research participants consisted of permanent and non-permanent residents of the three neighboring villages of Kasgareh, Kochichal, and Kandehsar, located in the Sardar Jangal District of Fouman County in Guilan Province. Participants were selected using purposive and theoretical sampling methods. Lived experiences and direct encounters with the phenomenon of land sales were considered the main focus of the interview questions. Through simultaneous analysis of the interview data, theoretical saturation was almost achieved after conducting 32 interviews.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Findings&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The findings of this study revealed the existence of a desirable local community in the villages under study, which is formed and strengthened through five interconnected components: territorial belonging and land attachment, spontaneous local social management, strengthening of intra-group social capital, preservation of rural cultural identity, and harmonious collective living.The desirable local community has produced various outcomes in the studied villages, the most prominent of which is collective action aimed at preventing the sale of land to outsiders. By creating strong attachment and a constructive communication network, this community has laid the groundwork for a strategy of resistance to land sales through three components: promoting a land preservation culture, learning from experiences of rural land sales to outsiders in other villages, and prioritizing land sales to local residents. Through these mechanisms, the community has largely prevented the appropriation of rural lands by non-native individuals.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Discussion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;By creating strong social networks and maintaining constructive relationships among all village members, along with fostering a strong sense of belonging to their village, residents in the studied communities are inclined toward collective actions to preserve the nature of the village. One manifestation of this collective action is the prevention of changes in land ownership and the acquisition of rural lands by non-native actors.In fact, the existence of positive feelings toward land among villagers, along with the reinforcement of these feelings in an almost universal manner across all residents regardless of differences in gender, age, education, or income, has led to widespread cooperation and public participation in improving their living environment. In the three villages studied, residents have been able to create strong capacities for local development by involving all villagers and even engaging non-residents and temporary or non-permanent residents. These capacities are being appropriately utilized to protect rural lands. To reduce the damage caused by changes in rural life, it is essential to rely on the solutions and experiences of villagers themselves. In this regard, the studied villages clearly demonstrate that through public participation and the creation of a desirable local community, it is possible to preserve valuable rural lands without government intervention or formal legal mechanisms.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">در سال‌های اخیر به دلایل مختلف فروش زمین‌های مرغوب روستایی به افراد غیربومی یا غریبه‌ها در روستاها رواج یافته است. این امر سبب گردیده که مالکیت اراضی روستایی بین غریبه‌ها و روستاییان تقسیم گردد و بدین شکل روستاها با چالش‌های گوناگونی روبرو شوند. هدف این مطالعه آن است که با معرفی روستاهای مقاوم در برابر فروش زمین به غریبه‌ها چگونگی شکل-گیری راهبردهای ایشان را برای حفظ زمین مورد وارسی قرار دهد. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;رویکرد پژوهشی این مطالعه کیفی است که بر اساس شیوه تحلیل مضمون، اطلاعات گردآوری شده آن مورد تجزیه‌وتحلیل قرار می‌گیرد. مشارکت‌کنندگان تحقیق به دو شکل نمونه‌گیری هدفمند و نظری انتخاب شدند که براین‌اساس با 32 نفر از اهالی روستاهای گسکره، کوچیچال و کنده‌سر بخش سردارجنگل شهرستان فومن در استان گیلان مصاحبه باز و نیمه‌ساختار‌مند صورت گرفت. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;یافته‌های این مطالعه وجود یک اجتماع محلی مطلوب را در بین روستاهای موردنظر را نشان داد که از طریق مؤلفه‌های پنج‌گانه: تعلق داشتن و وابستگی سرزمینی، مدیریت اجتماعی محلی خودجوش، تقویت سرمایه اجتماعی درون‌گروهی، حفظ هویت فرهنگی روستا و زیست جمعی هماهنگ تنظیم و تقویت می‌یابد. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;اجتماع محلی مطلوب پیامدهای مختلفی در روستاهای موردمطالعه بر جای گذاشته که بارزترین آن، اقدام مشترک جهت ممانعت از فروش زمین به غریبه‌هاست. این اجتماع توانسته با ایجاد وابستگی شدید و شبکه ارتباطی سازنده، زمینه‌ساز راهبرد مقاومت در برابر فروش زمین به غریبه‌ها به‌وسیله سه مؤلفه فرهنگ‌سازی حفظ زمین، تجربه فروش زمین‌های روستایی به غریبه‌ها در روستاهای دیگر و اولویت فروش زمین به هم‌محلی‌ها گردد و تا حدود زیادی از تصاحب زمین‌های روستایی توسط غربیه‌ها جلوگیری نماید.</OtherAbstract>
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			<Param Name="value">اجتماع محلی مطلوب</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">تحلیل مضمون</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">روستاییان</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">غریبه‌ها</Param>
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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>انتشارات دانشگاه تهران</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>مطالعات و تحقیقات اجتماعی در ایران</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2588-6355</Issn>
				<Volume>15</Volume>
				<Issue>1</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2026</Year>
					<Month>03</Month>
					<Day>21</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Virtual Migration Intention and Its Driving Factors among Shiraz University Students</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>تمایل به مهاجرت مجازی و عوامل پیشران آن در میان دانشجویان دانشگاه شیراز</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>115</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>134</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">105396</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22059/jisr.2025.404707.1674</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>سراج الدین</FirstName>
					<LastName>محمودیانی</LastName>
<Affiliation>گروه علوم اجتماعی ، دانشکده اقتصاد، مدیریت و علوم اجتماعی، دانشگاه شیراز، شیراز، ایران</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>مریم</FirstName>
					<LastName>اعتمادی</LastName>
<Affiliation>کارشناسی ارشد، گروه جمعیت شناسی، دانشکده علوم اجتماعی، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2025</Year>
					<Month>10</Month>
					<Day>20</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Virtual migration refers to a situation in which individuals, despite remaining in their country of origin, engage in scientific, economic, or social collaboration with a destination country through digital spaces and transnational communications. Social media platforms have the capacity to create strong virtual communities. Under conditions of relative deprivation, the likelihood of deciding to migrate increases. Relative deprivation refers to a situation in which society is unable to fully meet individuals’ needs and expectations, leading to a significant perceived gap between desired goals and available opportunities. Alongside feelings of relative deprivation, one of the key factors that can facilitate the emergence of virtual migration is individuals’ level of digital literacy. Understanding and effective use of communication technologies require a certain level of digital literacy, a concept that refers to the ability to use technological tools consciously, critically, and creatively to access, produce, and exchange information. In recent years, a growing tendency toward virtual migration appears to be emerging among the educated population, particularly graduate students. Given the existing limitations and difficulties associated with physical migration, it can be anticipated that this form of migration will expand further in the future. Accordingly, the main objective of the present study was to identify the level of tendency toward virtual migration among graduate students at Shiraz University and to examine the factors associated with it.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Method&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The present quantitative study was conducted using a survey method. The statistical population consisted of all graduate students at Shiraz University during the 2024-2025 academic year. The sample size was estimated at 376&lt;strong&gt; &lt;/strong&gt;participants using Cochran’s formula. A mixed sampling strategy, combining proportionate&lt;strong&gt; &lt;/strong&gt;stratified&lt;strong&gt; &lt;/strong&gt;sampling and systematic&lt;strong&gt; &lt;/strong&gt;random&lt;strong&gt; &lt;/strong&gt;sampling, was employed. In the first step, faculties were classified into three strata: the Faculty of Sciences, the Engineering Schools, and the Schools of Humanities. In addition to the Faculty of Sciences, the Faculties of Mechanical Engineering, Chemistry, and Gas from the Engineering Schools, and the Faculties of Literature, Law, and Political Science from the Schools of Humanities were randomly selected. Subsequently, using proportionate stratified sampling and considering the total number of students in the selected faculties, the number of subsamples for each faculty was determined. Data were collected using a structured questionnaire developed based on a review of the theoretical literature and previous studies. Validity and reliability were assessed and confirmed through face validity and Cronbach’s alpha, respectively. Data analysis was performed using SPSS software (version 27).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Findings&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Approximately 53% of the students were female. About 59% of the sample were aged between 23 and 27 years. Nearly 90% of the respondents were single, and the majority were enrolled in master’s degree programs. In addition, most of the surveyed students were Persian-speaking, Shiite, unemployed, and self-identified as belonging to the middle social class. Approximately one-third of the students had experience of traveling abroad. More than 89% of respondents reported that none of their family members had a history of migration, while 77.1% indicated having one or more migrants among their friends or acquaintances. About two-thirds of the participants reported having contact with individuals living abroad. Furthermore, 15.7% of the sample reported experience of scientific collaboration with individuals residing abroad. Only 8.2% had participated in international conferences in person, whereas 35.1% reported experience of virtual participation in such events. Only 14.4% of the students held a valid foreign language certificate. Regarding the use of academic social networks, the highest frequency corresponded to a moderate level of use. For the variable of perceived relative deprivation, more than half of the respondents reported a moderate level. Similarly, the level of digital literacy among respondents was predominantly moderate. Ultimately, the tendency toward virtual migration among students was most commonly observed at a moderate level. The results of regression analysis indicated that digital literacy, perceived relative deprivation, and use of academic social networks had positive and statistically significant effects on the tendency toward virtual migration. In contrast, doctoral students exhibited a lower tendency toward virtual migration compared to master’s students.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Conclusion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;When students and academic elites, through online scholarly interactions, make a substantial share of their research capacity, ideas, and scientific outputs available to foreign institutions and groups, a significant portion of human value added is effectively detached from the domestic scientific system, without this process being identifiable, manageable, or compensable within the framework of actual migration. This silent outflow of intellectual capital may lead to reduced elite participation in national projects, a decline in domestic innovation, weakened reproduction of specialized human resources, and diminished competitiveness of universities and research institutions at the international level. From this perspective, virtual migration, while potentially serving as a tool for retaining elites within the country, may in the absence of appropriate policies, result in the erosion of human capital and the weakening of national scientific foundations. In contexts such as Iran, where barriers to physical migration are substantial, the internet functions as a reinforcing substitute for physical migration; however, in societies with high mobility opportunities, it may exert a mitigating effect. In light of the findings, it is recommended that policymakers pursue their interventions according to the following priorities: first, enhancing digital literacy and expanding digital training programs within universities; second, strengthening international scientific communication infrastructures and providing sustainable platforms for online collaboration; and third, creating joint research opportunities with foreign academic centers. Such an approach can help channel the tendency toward virtual migration in ways that align with the country’s scientific and national interests. Initiatives such as establishing university-based platforms for remote international collaboration, or supporting participation in global virtual conferences, can, rather than intensifying aspirations for physical exit, contribute to improving academic quality and fostering global academic engagement within the domestic context.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">دانشجویان به‌عنوان سرمایه‌های انسانی نقش بسیار مهمی در توسعۀ اقتصادی و اجتماعی یک کشور دارند. مهاجرت مجازی، به‌عنوان شکل نوین مهاجرت، فرایندی است که طی آن، افراد به‌ویژه نخبگان علمی، بدون آنکه جابه‌جایی فیزیکی داشته باشند، از طریق پلتفرم‌های آنلاین و شبکه‌های اجتماعی علمی در محیط‌های پژوهشی و حرفه‌ای کشورهای دیگر مشارکت می‌کنند.&lt;br /&gt;پژوهش کمی حاضر با هدف بررسی تمایل به مهاجرت مجازی و عوامل آن در میان ۳۷۶ دانشجوی تحصیلات تکمیلی دانشگاه شیراز در سال 1404 انجام گرفت. نمونه با استفاده از روش‌های طبقه‌ای متناسب با حجم و تصادفی سیستماتیک انتخاب شد. داده‌ها از طریق پرسشنامۀ ساخت‌یافته جمع‌آوری شدند.&lt;br /&gt;نتایج تحلیل رگرسیون نشان داد سواد دیجیتال، احساس محرومیت نسبی و استفاده از شبکه‌های اجتماعی علمی تأثیر مثبت و معنی‌داری بر تمایل به مهاجرت مجازی دارند. دانشجویان دکتری در مقایسه با دانشجویان کارشناسی ارشد تمایل کمتری به مهاجرت مجازی از خود نشان دادند.&lt;br /&gt;یافته‌ها نقش کلیدی عوامل شناختی، روانی و فناورانه در شکل‌گیری مهاجرت مجازی را برجسته کردند که می‌تواند جایگزینی برای تحرک فیزیکی نخبگان علمی در شرایط محدودیت‌های ساختاری کشور باشد. ارتقای سواد دیجیتال و فراهم‌کردن فرصت‌های همکاری علمی بین‌المللی می‌تواند به هدایت هدفمند مهاجرت مجازی نخبگان، حفظ استعدادها و افزایش بهره‌وری سرمایۀ انسانی کشور کمک کند.</OtherAbstract>
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			<Param Name="value">دانشجویان</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">سواد دیجیتال</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">محرومیت نسبی</Param>
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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>انتشارات دانشگاه تهران</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>مطالعات و تحقیقات اجتماعی در ایران</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2588-6355</Issn>
				<Volume>15</Volume>
				<Issue>1</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2026</Year>
					<Month>03</Month>
					<Day>21</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Late Children&#039;s Media Consumption and their experience of Parental Supervision</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>مصرف رسانه‌ای کودکان متأخر و تجربۀ آن‌ها از نظارت والدین</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>135</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>155</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">105393</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22059/jisr.2025.386593.1566</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>عبدالله</FirstName>
					<LastName>بیچرانلو</LastName>
<Affiliation>گروه ارتباطات اجتماعی، دانشکدۀ علوم اجتماعی، دانشگاه تهران، تهران. ایران</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0002-1266-9671</Identifier>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>سیده بشری</FirstName>
					<LastName>گلدانی</LastName>
<Affiliation>کارشناسی ارشد ارتباطات اجتماعی، گروه ارتباطات اجتماعی، دانشکدۀ علوم اجتماعی، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2024</Year>
					<Month>12</Month>
					<Day>06</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The age group of 9 to 12 years old is an age group of audience and media users that is less studied. This age group is not considered as child and on the other hand, they are on the threshold of adolescence and according to their own conditions, they have characteristics of adolescence and characteristics of childhood. Exposure of this group of children to the media and media productions, especially games and the Internet, has made serious concerns and challenges for families. On the other hand, late children in the mentioned age range face problems related to the teenage age group, earlier and want to change the style and context of their relationship with their parent. Thus, this study aims to answer these questions: what is the approach of this age group to media consumption? And how does this age group interact with their parents in the field of media consumption and the rules set by parents in this field? and how is their desire to pursue behaviors outside the scope of the rules established by their parents realized? In order to study this topic, different parenting styles have been described from the Bamrind point of view.&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Method&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;To collect data, 32 Tehrani students aged 9 to 12 were interviewed. The data collected from the interviews have been analyzed through thematic analysis. From the point of view of the mentioned children, their parents supervise their media consumption in various discriminatory, tolerant, negligent and conciliatory ways. To select a sample using the convenience sampling method (due to the employment of one of the researchers teaching in Tehran schools), 32 students aged 9 to 12 (students in the second three years of elementary school) who were available for interviews were interviewed in the form of 4 focus groups of 8 people. Data collection for the interviews was carried out taking into account the regional diversity of schools until the theoretical data saturation stage was reached. In conducting the interviews, an active role was played in explaining the questions and mediating the discussions to obtain maximum information from the children. The interviews lasted between 45 minutes and an hour. To protect the privacy of the interviewees, only the students’ names were used without mentioning their surnames. Four schools in Tehran were selected for this study. One school with good financial status was located in the northern areas of Tehran, one school was located in the southern areas, and two other schools were located in the central areas of the city. The data were analyzed and organized using thematic analysis. First, considering the research objectives and theoretical foundations, the general structure of the interviews was designed, which helped to initially identify the main paths of analysis.&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Findings&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The majority of the media use of the interviewed children is in the form of watching movies and series or playing games. Due to the greater leisure time they have compared to older age groups, the majority of their media consumption is of a leisure nature. When children use media, they either consume media alone or with the participation and presence of other family members. Most students prefer to consume media alone and without their family. Faced to the imposition of parental control rules, children experience tensions over the amount of consumption, the consumption situation and the content of media consumption, and they experience these tensions in different ways. Some children perceive their parents&#039; approach towards them as stricter than their siblings, and in their view, this discrimination creates tension.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt; &lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Results&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;During media consumption, parents and children gain experiences in their interactions. One of these experiences is that parents are willing to monitor the process, quality, and quantity of media consumption. Striking a balance between the two is a fundamental challenge for children. Children also object to various aspects of parental interaction in this regard. For example, parents do not make much effort to improve the quality of a media experience and prefer to do a media activity simultaneously with other activities, while children demand a full presence from their parents, children want the full attention of the media consumers and their companions in this experience to be tied to the mediated space when consuming a media. On the other hand, they want to talk to their companions and share their feelings in the process of this experience. One of the issues that cause tension in the interaction between parents and children, one can mention the tension created over various issues centered around the media. Tensions over the media are divided into several main areas; parents usually have challenges with their children regarding the amount of media consumption. Failure to accept the rules set by parents and not observing the set hours in the family space for media consumption are also challenging issues. On the other hand, the challenge over the content consumed is one of the issues that exist between parents and children; however, it was found that the challenge over the content is less severe than the challenge over the quantity of use.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">گروه سنی 9 تا 12 ساله (کودکان متأخر)، طیفی از مخاطبان و کاربران رسانه‌ها است که کمتر مطالعه شده است. این گروه چندان کودک محسوب نمی‌شوند. آن‌ها در آستانۀ نوجوانی قرار دارند و بنا بر شرایط خاص خودشان، ویژگی‌هایی هم از کودکی و هم از نوجوانی دارند.&lt;br /&gt;مواجهۀ این دسته از کودکان با رسانه‌ها، یکی از دغدغه‌ها و چالش‌های جدی خانواده‌ها است. کودکان متأخر به‌تدریج با مسائل نوجوانان مواجه می‌شوند و مایل‌اند سبک رابطۀ خود با والدینشان را تغییر دهند. این مطالعه به دنبال پاسخ به این پرسش‌ها است: رویکرد این گروه به مصرف رسانه‌ای چگونه است؟ در مصرف رسانه‌ای و درمورد قواعد وضع‌شده توسط والدین در این زمینه، چگونه با والدین خود تعامل می‌کنند؟ و تمایل آن‌ها به دنبال‌کردن رفتارهایی خارج از حوزۀ این قواعد چگونه محقق می‌شود؟&lt;br /&gt;برای مطالعۀ این موضوع، در مبانی نظری به ویژگی‌های نسل آلفا و کودکی متأخر، نظارت والدین و سبک‌های مختلف والدگری یا فرزندپروری، از نگاه بامریند پرداخته شده است. برای جمع‌آوری داده‌ها با 32 دانش‌آموز تهرانی 9 تا 12 ساله مصاحبه شد و داده‌ها تحلیل مضمون شدند. از دید کودکان، والدین آن‌ها به شیوه‌های گوناگون تبعیض‌آمیز، تسامح‌آمیز، غفلت‌آمیز و مصالحه‌آمیز بر مصرف رسانه‌ای آن‌ها نظارت دارند. کودکان در مواجهه با وضع قواعد نظارتی، تنش‌هایی را بر سر کمیت مصرف، موقعیت مصرف و محتوای مصرف رسانه‌ای تجربه می‌کنند و با شیوه‌های مختلفی این تنش‌ها را از سر می‌گذرانند.</OtherAbstract>
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			<Param Name="value">کودکان متأخر</Param>
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			<Param Name="value">مصرف رسانه‌ای</Param>
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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>انتشارات دانشگاه تهران</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>مطالعات و تحقیقات اجتماعی در ایران</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2588-6355</Issn>
				<Volume>15</Volume>
				<Issue>1</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2026</Year>
					<Month>03</Month>
					<Day>21</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Hijab as a Field of Meaning Contest: An Examination of Female Students&#039; Meaning System of Modest Dress</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>حجاب به‌مثابۀ میدان منازعۀ معنایی: واکاوی نظام معنایی دانشجویان دختر از پوشش</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>157</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>176</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">105397</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22059/jisr.2025.401697.1658</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>عبدالطیف</FirstName>
					<LastName>کاروانی</LastName>
<Affiliation>گروه جامعه‌شناسی، دانشکدۀ علوم انسانی، دانشگاه هرمزگان، بندرعباس، ایران</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0003-0819-9002</Identifier>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>اسحق</FirstName>
					<LastName>شیرین کام</LastName>
<Affiliation>گروه آموزش علوم تربیتی، دانشگاه فرهنگیان، تهران، ایران.</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0002-3384-4862</Identifier>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2025</Year>
					<Month>09</Month>
					<Day>02</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Hijab in Iranian society is a multidimensional and complex phenomenon, rooted in religious and cultural teachings on one hand, and influenced by social, political, and discursive transformations on the other. In recent decades, women&#039;s clothing, especially among the younger generation, has shifted from being a static and accepted norm to a field of challenge, negotiation, and identity redefinition. This research aims to explore and analyze the meaning system of clothing from the perspective of the agents themselves – female university students. The central question is: How, and based on what concepts, experiences, and social contexts, do female students currently construct meaning for their clothing, and how does this meaning system form in interaction or confrontation with dominant discourses? This study focused on female students at the University of Hormozgan. This university was chosen due to the border and multicultural context of Hormozgan province, which provides a dynamic setting for examining the plurality and interaction of meanings.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt; &lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Method&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This research employed a qualitative approach using the Thematic Analysis method. Data were collected through in-depth semi-structured interviews with 30 female undergraduate students at the University of Hormozgan. Participants were selected via purposive sampling, and interviews continued until theoretical saturation was reached. Data analysis was conducted in three main phases (familiarization and description, interpretation and conceptualization, and integration and reporting) based on the model by King and Horrocks. To ensure the validity of the research, techniques such as peer review and member checking were utilized.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt; &lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Findings&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The analysis of the interviews led to the extraction of one core category and eight organizing categories. The core category was: &quot;Clothing as a Field of Self-Recreation in Confrontation with Compulsory Discourses.&quot; This category indicates that, for the participants, clothing is a dynamic and contentious arena where they redefine themselves and their identity in opposition to imposing formal, religious, and social discourses. The eight organizing categories are as follows:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Hijab as Representation of Awareness in Opposition to Compulsion: Participants clearly distinguished between &quot;voluntary hijab&quot; and &quot;compulsory hijab.&quot; Voluntary hijab was described as a reflection of awareness, personal belief, and agency, leading to satisfaction and lasting commitment. In contrast, compulsory hijab was described as devoid of meaning, accompanied by feelings of dissatisfaction, resentment, and internal resistance.&lt;br /&gt;Rethinking the Body at the Intersection of Compulsion and Volition: Clothing was perceived as a tool for reclaiming the body from social judgments and gendered gazes. Through their clothing choices, participants attempted to define bodily boundaries, maintain privacy, and counteract the instrumentalization of the body.&lt;br /&gt;Symbolic Negotiation and Soft Resistance Against Symbolic Order: Clothing had become a field for daily negotiation with power institutions such as family, university, and social norms. Resistance often manifested not necessarily as overt protest, but in the form of subtle choices, minor changes in style, and evasion of stereotypes.&lt;br /&gt;Reorganizing the Boundaries of Self and Other: Participants used clothing as a mechanism to regulate social and psychological distance from others. Specific clothing could act as a shield against intrusive gazes or delineate the individual&#039;s identity boundaries in public spaces.&lt;br /&gt;Aesthetics of Choice within the Context of Compulsion: Despite limitations, clothing had become an arena for expressing personal taste, creativity, and individual aesthetics. Combining religious elements with modern fashion trends was an example of this &quot;beauty within constraint.&quot;&lt;br /&gt;Lived Experiences and Memory in the Layers of Clothing: Clothing was understood as an evolutionary path layered with personal memories. Gradual changes in clothing style reflected narratives of personal growth, the experience of maturation, and the revision of beliefs.&lt;br /&gt;Reflexive Action in Confrontation with Judgmental Structures: Clothing served as a tool for critical response to formal institutions (such as schools or official religious discourse) and social judgments. Experiences of exclusion and labeling sometimes led to the formation of clothing-related acts of protest.&lt;br /&gt;Recreating Feminine Identity in the Context of Intersecting Discourses: The participants&#039; feminine identity was shaped at the intersection, and sometimes conflict, of religious, cultural, generational, and media discourses. Clothing was their primary tool for navigating these intersecting fields and constructing a flexible and complex identity.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt; &lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Discussion &lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The findings of this research indicate that for female students, clothing – particularly the hijab – is not a passive act or merely subject to imposed norms, but an active field of meaning-making, agency, and resistance. In this field, they use clothing as a symbolic medium for expressing the self, negotiating with power structures, creating distinction, and recreating their feminine identity within complex social conditions. Concepts such as &quot;voluntary hijab,&quot; &quot;soft resistance,&quot; &quot;cultural negotiation,&quot; and &quot;aesthetics within the margins of compulsion&quot; are key to understanding this dynamic meaning system. These results align with the findings of similar domestic studies (such as those by Daneshmehr and Hassankhani(2024), Bolboli Qadikolaei and Parsania(2022), and Alineghian et al(2014).) which emphasize the fluidity, polysemy, and role of clothing in redefining identity. They also show consonance with international research (such as the study Dakkak &amp; Mikulka(2012) in Palestine and Tawfiq &amp; Ogle(2024) in Malaysia) that analyze hijab as an identity statement and a tool for self-redefinition. Final Summary and Policy Implication: This research demonstrates that solely legal imposition and compulsion may not only fail to yield desired outcomes but can also lead to dissatisfaction, covert resistance, and even disillusionment with religious values. Conversely, recognizing semantic plurality and women&#039;s agency, and creating dialogical and persuasive spaces instead of uniform, prescriptive approaches, can pave the way for a deeper internalization of beliefs and a more conscious acceptance of clothing. Given Iran&#039;s multicultural context, policymaking in this area requires flexibility and attention to the diverse lived experiences and meaning systems in different regions</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">حجاب مسئله‌ای چندبعدی است. از یک‌سو موضوع دینی و اخلاقی و هویتی و از سوی دیگر، پدیده‌ای اجتماعی، سیاسی و فرهنگی است. پدیدۀ پوشش و حجاب در جامعۀ ایران، در بستر تعاملات نسلی، فرهنگی و گفتمانی، از حالت سنتی خود فاصله گرفته و به میدان منازعه‌ای معنایی بدل شده است.&lt;br /&gt;این پژوهش با هدف تحلیل کیفی نظام معنایی پوشش در میان دانشجویان دختر دانشگاه هرمزگان گرفت. رویکرد پژوهش کیفی و مبتنی بر تحلیل مضمون است. داده‌ها از طریق مصاحبه‌های عمیق با 30 دانشجوی کارشناسی در دانشگاه هرمزگان، با استفاده از نمونه‌گیری هدفمند و تا رسیدن به اشباع نظری گردآوری شده‌اند.&lt;br /&gt;تحلیل داده‌ها با استفاده از الگوی پیشنهادی کینگ و هاروکس در سه مرحله و شش گام صورت گرفت. نتایج موجب استخراج یک مقولۀ هسته با عنوان «پوشش به‌عنوان میدان بازآفرینی خود در مواجهه با گفتمان‌های الزام‌آور» و هشت مقولۀ سازمان‌دهنده شد؛ از جمله «حجاب به‌عنوان بازنمایی آگاهی در تقابل با اجبار»، «بازاندیشی بدن در تقاطع الزام و اختیار»، «چانه‌زنی نمادین و مقاومت نرم در برابر نظم نمادین»، «بازآرایی مرزهای خود و دیگری»، «زیبایی‌شناسی انتخاب در بستر اجبار»، «تجارب و حافظۀ زیسته در لایه‌های پوشش»، «کنش بازتابی در مواجهه با ساختارهای قضاوت‌گر» و «بازآفرینی هویت زنانه در بستر گفتمان‌های متقاطع».&lt;br /&gt;مشارکت‌کنندگان پوشش را به‌مثابۀ کنش انتخاب‌محور، رسانه‌ای برای مذاکرۀ فرهنگی، حفاظت روانی، بازسازی هویت زنانه و پاسخ به ساختارهای قضاوت‌گر تجربه کرده‌اند. براساس یافته‌های پژوهش می‌توان گفت پوشش در نظام معنایی مشارکت‌کنندگان نه کنشی منفعل، بلکه عرصه‌ای برای بازآفرینی خود، مقاومت، بیان زیبایی‌شناختی و چانه‌زنی اجتماعی است.</OtherAbstract>
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