انتشارات دانشگاه تهران مطالعات و تحقیقات اجتماعی در ایران 2588-6355 15 2 2026 06 22 The Relationship between the State and Social Forces in Iran: A Study of the Reform and Justice Periods رابطۀ میان دولت و نیروهای اجتماعی در ایران: مطالعه دوره اصلاحات و عدالت 39 58 106602 10.22059/jisr.2025.403443.1667 FA محمدحسین پناهی گروه جامعه‌شناسی، دانشکده علوم اجتماعی، دانشگاه علامه طباطبائی، تهران، ایران 0009-0002-6279-4013 کوثر درزی‌نژاد دانشجوی دکتری جامعه‌شناسی سیاسی، دانشکده علوم اجتماعی، دانشگاه علامه طباطبائی، تهران، ایران 0009-0004-9132-5237 Journal Article 2025 10 01 <strong>Introduction</strong><br /> This study examines the relationship between the state and social forces in two consecutive political periods in Iran: the “Reform” period and the “Justice” period. Social forces, as intermediary institutions between the state and society, play a key role in participatory policymaking through advocacy and efforts to influence decisions. Governments adopt different approaches toward these forces, ranging from selective restriction or facilitation to responsiveness. During the Reform era, concepts such as religious democracy, political participation, and civil society were prevalent, while the Justice era witnessed a shift in this discourse. Social forces employ methods such as petitions, mobilizing public opinion, media campaigns, virtual campaigns, and lobbying. Factors such as financial resources, mobilization capacity, and social networks affect their domain of influence. Despite the importance of this topic, comprehensive research directly identifying social forces in these two period and examining their interaction with governments is scarce. These two eras were selected due to their chronological sequence, the fundamental shift in government approach, and the potential for comparing two distinct models of state-social forces relations. The article seeks to answer three main questions: What were the active social forces in each period? How did they pursue their demands? And what was each government's approach and strategy toward these demands?<br /> <strong>Methodology </strong><br /> This research employs a qualitative documentary method. Data were collected from reputable databases (Noormags, SID, Humanities Portal) using keywords such as social forces, Reform government, and Justice government. Data analysis was conducted descriptively-analytically, with findings categorized into three main groups of social forces: students, women, and professional organizations. For each group, demands and government responses were examined, and results were summarized in a table. Documents indicate that students, women and teachers were active social forces in both periods, and their advocacy can be analyzed across the Reform and Justice periods.<br /> <strong>Findings</strong><br /> This study identifies four main social forces active in Iran between 1997 and 2013: students, teachers, and women's organizations. The demands of each group and the responses of the Reform (Khatami) and Justice (Ahmadinejad) governments are examined separately.<br /> Students: During the Reform period, the Office for Strengthening Unity (Daftar-e Tahkim-e Vahdat) played a pivotal role in Khatami's presidential victory, pursuing demands such as freedom of speech, press freedom, and student rights. In response to the 1999 protests, the Reform government submitted dual bills to parliament to clarify presidential powers, but they failed. According to Migdal's theory, the realization of demands depended not on the executive branch's will but on the balance of power among state institutions. During the Justice period, student demands shifted toward welfare issues; the Office was weakened, and the government imposed various costs on student activism.<br /> Teachers: Khatami's presidency was a turning point for teachers; professional associations were revived, and demands focused on economic issues and free education. The government formed a special education committee and proposed educational reform plans. Throughout the Justice period, teacher associations were restricted, leading to radicalized activism through strikes and gatherings. The government withdrew the salary increase bill and implemented the Civil Service Management Law. According to Huntington, weak state support led to the collapse of institutionalization and a return to mass society.<br /> Women: Women established organizations such as the Women's Human Rights Association, demanding legal reforms, participation rights, and presidential candidacy. Achievements included gender content in the Fourth Development Plan, reforms to marriage age and custody laws, and lifting the ban on female students studying abroad. This progress halted during the Justice period, and a bill promoting polygamy was passed despite women's opposition.<br /> <strong>Conclusion</strong><br /> Social forces faced more favorable conditions for organizing during the Reform period, but full demand realization did not realized due to fragmented state structures. The Justice government's responses were primarily coercive, aimed at closing civil society. Iran has not transitioned from mass society to an organized society due to weak institutionalization. This situation threatens state stability, weakens state-society relations, and increases social dissatisfaction, potentially leading to non-institutionalized activism.<br /> <strong> </strong> رابطۀ دولت و نیروهای اجتماعی در دوره‌های مختلف تاریخ معاصر ایران از اهمیت ویژه‌ای برخوردار بوده و مسیر پرفراز و نشیبی را طی کرده‌است. در این مقاله، رابطۀ دولت و نیروهای اجتماعی منتخب در دو دورۀ «اصلاحات» و «عدالت» مورد مطالعه و مقایسه قرار گرفت.<br /> این پژوهش با روش اسنادی انجام شده، و منابع موجود درباره نیروهای اجتماعی مورد نظر بررسی و کاوش شده‌است. نیروهای اجتماعی فعال در این ادوار شامل دانشجویان، زنان، کارگران، روشنفکران، هنرمندان، روزنامه‎نگاران، اصناف و بازاریان، معلمان، بازنشستگان، روحانیون، نخبگان و برخی از اقوام و اقلیت‌ها بوده‌اند، که از میان آن‌ها دانشجویان، معلمان و زنان جهت بررسی انتخاب شدند.<br /> یافته‌های این پژوهش حاکی از آن است که کنشگری این نیروهای اجتماعی در دوران «اصلاحات» درباره مطالباتشان نتیجه بخش­تر از دوره «عدالت» بوده‌است. در دوره اصلاحات، فضای سیاسی برای تشکل و فعالیت نیروهای اجتماعی مساعدتر از دوره «عدالت» بوده و زمینه را برای موفقیت نسبی آن‌ها فراهم کرده‌است. همچنین، این مطالعه نشان داد همانطور که میگدال دولت را محل چالش و رقابت نیروهای مختلف سیاسی معرفی کرده‌است، دولت اصلاحات و عدالت نیز یکپارچه نبوده و محل رقابت نیروهای سیاسی مختلف بوده­اند، که اثر آن در برخوردهای متفاوت با نیروهای اجتماعی نمود یافته‌است.<br /> نتایج بیانگر آن است که میزان گشودگی دولت به تشکل‌یابی و گفت‌وگو با نیروهای اجتماعی، همچنان می‌تواند در کارآمدی سیاست‌ورزی و مدیریت مطالبات در وضعیت کنونی ایران نقش تعیین‌کننده داشته باشد. https://jisr.ut.ac.ir/article_106602_b8ea8617653de916da7aaeec3cf43986.pdf